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REMARKS 



ON THE 



STATISTICS 



AND 



POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 



OF THE 



UNITED STATES, 



SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE ECCLESIASTICAL 

SYSTEM OF AMERICA, HER SOURCES OF 

REVENUE, &c. 

TO WHICH ARE ADDED 

STATISTICAL TABLES, &c. 



BY WILLIAM GORE OUSELEY, ESQ. 

ATTACHE TO HIS MAJESTY'S LEGATION AT WASHINGTON. 



" EUes (les lois) doivent etre tellement propres au peuple pour lequel elles sont faites, que 
c'est un tres-grand liasard si celles d'une nation peuvent eonvenir i une autre. 

" II faut qu'elles se rapportent a la nature et au principe du gouvernement qui est etabli, 
ou qu'on veut etatalir." — Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois — Liv. I. chap.iii. 



LONDON : 

J. RODWELL, NEW BOND-STREET. 



1832. 



GIFT 

, ESTATE Of 
VJIUIAM C. USVE8 



^vu 



d*^"^ . 

>.^1" 



LONDON : 

DAVISON, SOIIMONS, AND CO., WHITEFKIARS. 



INTRODUCTION. 



Englishmen are accused by the Americans of 
viewing their country only through a medium of 
strong and generally hostile prejudice, or of describing 
it with intentional misrepresentation. Those who 
are obnoxious to such imputations are little likely to 
allow their justice ; men do not readily confess their 
prejudices, and bad faith is still less easy of conviction. 
In either case, a tu-quoque of mutual recrimination is 
generally the only result of unmeasured censure. Of 
any intention to mislead the reader of the following 
remarks, on the subject of the United States, I need 
hardly say that I am utterly unconscious. The state- 
ments now published are, almost without exception, 
supported by the authorities of able writers. Whether 
I am liable to the accusation of prejudice must be 
decided by the judgment of others. 

It is allowable however to state, that if my coun- 
trymen are justly chargeable with suffering their 

a 2 



IV 



opinions to be biassed by the peculiar feelings and 
prepossessions of England, on leaving it for the first 
time, I am less likely than many others to have been 
influenced by such a circumstance. From early youth 
the far greater part of my life has been passed out 
of England, and in the diplomatic service of my 
country ; and before my visit to America I had seen 
most of the countries of Europe. 

Yet still it must be confessed that I did not arrive 
in the United States without having imbibed some 
of those preconceptions on the subject of the Ameri- 
can political system that are so generally current in 
Europe. Judging from what had been witnessed in 
this hemisphere, it appeared to me that whatever 
might be said of the theory of the political system of 
America, yet in practice that it could not succeed for 
any length of time, and that in Europe its imitation 
would be fraught with mischief and anarchy. 

Those impressions of the practical inapplicability 
of the institutions of the United States to European 
nations have not been removed by a residence in that 
country ; at least, the total unfitness of a republican 
government for adoption in England still appears to 



me incontrovertible. But the results produced in 
America, by her political system, are very different 
from those w^hich one is led to expect by the representa- 
tions of many, and some distinguished, writers ; and 
it has been my endeavour to point out a few of the 
reasons and facts which, in my mind, produced a con- 
viction that the probabilities of success to the " great 
experiment" now in progress in the Trans-atlantic 
Republic were not to be measured by a scale formed 
from the circumstances of our own country. 

It is not possible in the limits of a small volume 
like this, to give more than an outline of the various 
points touched upon in the following pages ; many 
of the subjects mentioned are but incidentally and 
remotely connected with the nature of my profession ; 
but the notice of them may serve to direct better 
qualified observers, in future publications on the 
affairs of America. 

The communication with the United States is now 
so rapid and easy (the voyage often not occupying 
more than seventeen or eighteen days), that travel- 
lers may visit the principal cities of the Union and 
return to Europe within the space usually allotted 



VI 

for a summer excursion. The facility for frequent 
intercourse between the two countries must conduce 
to mutual advantages : it must, at all events, tend to 
dispel such prejudices on either side of the Atlantic as 
are the result of misconception, or misrepresentation. 
Between countries the most dissimilar, and which for 
centuries have regarded one another as natural and 
national enemies, the facilities of communication 
have contributed to render the very term " natural 
enmity" an almost obsolete expression, applicable 
only to the ignorant and impolitic barbarism of past 
ages. 

Whatever information may be afforded by this 
Essay, or by works of aiar higher order, on subjects 
connected with America, they cannot tend to remove 
either wilful prejudice, or mistaken impressions, nearly 
so well as even a short visit to the United States : 

{'^ Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem, 
Quam quae sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus ;") 

where, whatever deficiencies may be perceived by 
those accustomed to the life of an European capital, 
it must be allowed that a wide and interesting field 



Vll 



is open to the research and observation of the states- 
man, the politician, the philosopher, or the practical 
man of business. 



Although not immediately connected with the sub- 
ject of this publication, I cannot forbear saying a few 
words on a topic deserving of the deepest considera- 
tion in this country, and of which the importance 
has only of late years been duly appreciated. The 
North American colonies furnish England with 
similar, and almost equivalent, advantages to those 
which the Americans possess in the superabundance 
of fertile territory and consequent provision for its 
population generally, but particularly for the poorer 
and lower classes of society. 

From my own observations in Canada and Nova 
Scotia, I have no hesitation in affirming, that to a 
moral certainty, — as well ascertained as any circum- 
stance can be by human experience, — the moderately 
industrious and sober, however poor, are sure of ob- 
taining not only a plentiful subsistence, but many 



Vlll 



comforts to which, in the present state of the com- 
mercial, manufacturing, and agricultural interests, 
they must in all probability long be strangers in 
the mother country. There is but one circumstance 
that might prevent the emigrant from realising these 
fair prospects, — the loss of health. But in a climate 
so very salubrious as that of British North America, 
the probability of this evil is more remote, than that 
to which, under circumstances of privation, he would 
be exposed in England. He will also find, I think, 
that the physical and positive advantages are more 
encouraging to the settler in Upper Canada, &c. than 
in the United States ; independently of the reluctance 
that every right-minded Englishman must feel to 
abandon the colours of his country. He may be 
said to be nearly at home in the North American 
colonies. 

'^ Coelum lion animum mutant^ qui trans mare currunt." 

By facilitating the means of emigration to the 
poorer classes of Englishmen, the British govern- 
ment would, perhaps, contribute as efficaciously to 
their welfare as by the extension of their political 



IX 

rights ; and would probably find, in the vast re- 
sources of the North American colonies, a means of 
practically awarding " the greatest share of happiness 
to the greatest number" of our countrymen. 

W. G. O. 

May 7. 1832. 



N. B. The works and authorities that have fur- 
nished data for these remarks, besides those quoted, 
are the Laws of the United States, American Almanac 
(Boston), Register of Department of State, Sword's 
Almanac and Ecclesiastical Register, Quarterly Re- 
gister of American Education Society, Statistical 
Views by Watterston and Van Zandt, and American 
Congressional and State Papers, in addition to private 
notes, &c. 

The Tables in the Appendix do not pretend to 
perfect correctness : whoever may make an experiment 
in obtaining precise and accurate returns upon the 
subjects here treated will find that it is neither an 
easy, nor very seductive task. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 



Introductory. — Misconceptioas on the subject of America in 
Europe. — Contradictory accounts of travellers. — Arguments 
suited to European governments not often applicable to the 
United States. — Government of that country well adapted to 
the circumstances of its inhabitants . . . Page 1 

CHAPTER II. 

Nature of American Republic generally misunderstood in Europe. 
— Its dissimilarity to the republics of antiquity, or to those 
of more modern times. — Contrast between the American Re- 
public and that which succeeded the first French Revolution. 
— Of a Federal Union 9 

CHAPTER III. 

Supposed defects of American form of government examined.— 
Proneness to war. — National feelings towards England. — 
M. de Talleyrand's observations on that subject. — M. Politica. 
— Advice of Washington on the foreign policy to be adopted 
by the United States 15 

CHAPTER IV. 

Examination of objections to the political institutions of the 
United States continued. — Effects of very large constituencies 
not such as have been anticipated.— Corruption not general. — 
The representative bodies in America not de facto delegates 29 



Xll 



CHAPTER V. 



Supreme Court of the United States. — Its judicial independence 
and high character. — Diplomatic agents particularly interested 
in its proceedings. — Has jurisdiction in all cases touching the 
law of nations. — State '^'^ Judiciaries." — Associate judges 

Page 36 

CHAPTER VI. 

Misrepresentations of the domestic manners of the Americans. — 
Many of the peculiarities of the social system of the United 
States not attributable exclusively to the Republican form of 
government. — Advantages and defects compared of American 
and English systems ....... 44 

CHAPTER VII. 

Financial and general prosperity of United States. — Its peculiar 
causes considered. — Principally attributable to a free and pro- 
tecting government. — Mexican and South American Republics 
compared with the United States. — Report of Mr. M'^Lane on 
the finances of the United States. — Opinions of Revue Britan- 
nique and Quarterly Review on economy of American govern- 
ment ......... 55 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Statements of Quarterly Review on the subject of United States 
examined. — Supposed insecurity of property, — Conservative 
elements ......... 70 

CHAPTER IX. 

United States' government well suited to the American people. 

Testamentary disposition not interfered with by the laws. — 
Division of property. — Conservative principle of American 
government resides in numerical majority. — Public lands 77 



xin 



CHAPTER X. 



Revue Britannique on Finances of the United States. — Letters 
of General Bernard and Mr. F. Cooper, published by General 
Lafayette, containing answers to the statements of Revue 
Britannique ....... Page 84 

CHAPTER XI. 

General Bernard's remarks. — Department of state and foreign 
affairs. — War department. — Treasury department. — Adminis^ 
tration centrale, &c, — State expenses. — Tolls and public roads. 
— Clergy. — Militia. — Summary. — Mean expense to each in- 
dividual in France and America of public charges. — Extract 
from General Bernard's letter . . . , 90 



CHAPTER XH. 

Captain Hall's estimate of mean charge to each inhabitant of the 
United States. — Mr. F. Cooper's remarks on the Revue Britan- 
nique. — Mr. Cooper's estimate of mean public charge . 102 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Quarterly's remarks on American statistics. — General and State 
expenditure. — General Bernard's and Mr. Cooper's esti- 
mates 110 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Future financial prospects of the United States. — Military ex- 
penses. — Naval expenses. — Cost of administration of justice. 
— Salaries of the clergy 117 



XIV 



CHAPTER XV. 

Ecclesiastical revenues of the United States. — Valuations of the 
Quarterly of church of England revenues, and those of the 
clergy of America. — Probable real amount of church emolu- 
ments in the United States .... Page 123 

CHAPTER XVL 

Expenses of administration of justice. — Of state judiciaries. — 
Some account of public lands, and future intentions with 
regard to them . 134 

CHAPTER XVII. 
Gold Mines.—Mint 148 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

Cultivation of sugar in Louisiana. — Florida. — Slavery . 157 

Summary . . 174 



XV 



APPENDIX. 

Extract from " Review of Captain B. Hall's Travels" Page 179 

General Table of all religious denominations throughout the 

United States, specifying the number of ministers, churches, 

communicants, and individuals . . . .189 

General Bernard's comparative statement of the French and 
American budgets . . . . . . .190 

Table showing the number of clergymen and churches of dif- 
ferent denominations in each State of the Union, as far as they 

have been ascertained 194 

Table showing the governor's term and salary, the number of 
senators and representatives, with their respective terms and 
pay in the different States . . . . .196 

Statement, showing the aggregate number of persons in each of 
the States, according to the fifth census, and distinguishing 
the slave from the free population in each State, according to 
the corrections made in the returns of the Marshals and their 
assistants by the Secretary of State .... 197 

Steam-boat navigation from St. Louis . . .198 

Whole number of steam-boats built on the Western Waters 199 

Expenses to each State of its judiciary, including the territories 

and district of Colombia ...... 200 

201 
202 
204 
205 
207 
ib. 



Colleges in the United States . . . 

Texas . ...... 

Payment of the debt of the United States 
Rates of postage . . ... 

Newspapers in New York .... 

Copyright ...... 

Number of bishops in the United States, and their residences, 
or diocesses 208 



REMARKS 



THE STATISTICS, &c. 



OF THE 



UNITED STATES 



CHAPTER I, 



Introductory. — Misconceptions on the subject of America in 
Europe. — Contradictory accounts of travellers. — Arguments 
suited to European governments not often applicable to the 
United States. — Government of that country well adapted to 
the circumstances of its inhabitants. 

Although the attention of Europeans, since the 
conclusion of the treaty of Ghent in 1814, has 
been directed to the progress of the United States 
of North America with more interest than at former 
periods, and although the rapidly increasing popula- 
tion and resources of the Federal Union have been 
of late years more justly appreciated than here- 
tofore, yet there is perhaps no country of equal im- 
portance that is in fact so little known in Europe 
generally. No better proof can be wanting of this 
ignorance in our own country, on the subject of 

B 



2 

America, than the conflicting and contradictory 
opinions and reports concerning it that are con- 
tinually made public. Not only the allusions fre- 
quently made in either House of Parliament to the 
theoretic tendency and practical effects of her political 
institutions, but the observations of the daily and 
periodical press furnish ample evidence of the great 
difference of opinion that exists on the advantages or 
defects of her form of government, and its influence 
on the social system in some measure its consequence. 
That many misconceptions as to the real situation 
of the Americans should be entertained by those 
who have never visited their country is the less 
surprising, when we observe that, even among 
the numerous travellers in the United States who 
have published their impressions of its present con- 
dition, or their views of its future prospects, there 
should be such diversity of opinion, that one is 
sometimes inclined to doubt that the different writers 
are describing the self-same country. This may 
doubtless be said of accounts of other countries ; but, 
where intercourse is frequent, and distance from 
our homes not great, vulgar errors are rectified, 
or prejudiced mistatements contradicted, with greater 
facility and certainty than where that serious 
obstacle to an intimate acquaintance between two 
nations intervenes, viz. some thousand miles of the 
Atlantic. 



s 

Even those rapid improvements in the means 
of communication anticipated by some * sanguine 
authors, will not so speedily overcome this natural 
bar to an intimate acquaintance with the American 
continent, as not to allow for many years to come 
a wide field for speculation and theoretical discussion, 
founded on partial and exaggerated statements, and 
unintentional or wilful misrepresentation. 

While one party, zealously admiring the system of 
America, represents the United States as a political 
Utopia, and would wish to transplant her institutions 
and particularly her financial economy to England, 
forgetful of the many circumstances rendering such 
a form of government or any such practical adoption 
of her scale of expenditure undesu^ahle or im- 
possible in this country, — another set of men are 
unceasing in their condemnation of every thing 
American, describing manifold evils as the present 
effects, and predicting convulsion and ruin as the 
future results, of the mode of government which the 
people of the United States have adopted. In either 
case the ignotum pro magnifico accounts for the 
exaggerated opinions so frequently, and often con- 
scientiously, expressed on the subject. 

But the opinions of travellers in the United States, 
however speculative, deserve more attention than 

* Vide McGregor's British America, M'Taggart's work^ &c. 

B 2 



those of men who write by their firesides strictures 
upon countries of which they have no practical 
knowledge, and whose impressions are coloured by 
the prejudices of a party, or their own misappre- 
hensions. Unfortunately, those who have published 
descriptions of America have not generally remained 
there long enough to be enabled to use their judg- 
ment uninfluenced by prepossessions against or in 
favour of the theory or practice of the American 
system ; they consequently apply a scale of their own, 
adapted to a country widely different in circum- 
stances, manners, and institutions, in forming opinions 
of the government and people of the United States. 
The traveller who on first arriving in any foreign 
country should unreservedly commit to paper his im- 
pressions and opinions of its usages or political institu- 
tions, and endeavour to explain and account for its 
peculiar customs, from his own observations and know- 
ledge, and then lay aside his notes during a year's resi- 
dence in the same place, would probably be surprised 
on a reperusal of them at the mistaken views that he 
had in many instances taken; at least I have found it so. 
And if this be true of European countries, having 
generally many features of resemblance, it is par- 
ticularly so in the judgments passed by Europeans 
on the United States. I am speaking now more 
especially of the political institutions of America, but 
the same remarks are even more strikingly applicable 



to the social system of that country. It should be 
recollected that many provisions of the constitution of 
the United States, which to an Englishman appear at 
first sight fraught with danger, will perhaps on a nearer 
examination be found well adapted to the jimeiican 
Union; for we are prone unconsciously to apply the 
arguments that would be good in England to a country 
extremely dissimilar ; and thus contemplating, with 
views and ideas suited to a very different state of 
things, particular measures or modes of government, 
it is not surprising that our judgments and pre^ 
dictions of their consequences should be erroneous. 
Americans say that we look at their Republican in- 
stitutions through our " monarchical spectacles," 
and that it requires some apprenticeship to so different 
a state of things to see them in their true light. 

Let us look at the converse of this proposition. 
When an American arrives in England for the first 
time, he is apt to jump at conclusions equally un- 
founded respecting our country. I know what 
were the impressions of some individuals from the 
United States, and men of sagacity and experience, 
on first witnessing the practical workings of our con- 
stitutional monarchy, and the results of our social 
system. And if most Americans were honestly to 
confess their real opinions (formed after only a short 
residence in England) at any period during the last 
thirty years, I am convinced that there are few who 



would not avow a conviction of their astonishment 
at the possibility of our government having con- 
tinued to work with any success for five years 
together ; but after a residence of greater duration, 
they perceive the existence of counteracting causes 
preventing many of the bad effects which they anti- 
cipated, and even begin to think that the transition to 
a form of government like their own would neither 
be so easy nor so advantageous as they previously 
believed. Americans are eminently practical men ; 
all their undertakings, and generally all the measures, 
whether of governments or individuals in that country, 
are stamped with utility as their object, and dictated 
by sound practical good sense and prudence. They 
consequently quickly detect the wildness and ab- 
surdity of many of the Republican theories of 
those Europeans, who would seek to adopt forms of 
government totally unfitted for the circumstances of 
their country; — and soon adapt their views to the 
peculiarities of the political atmosphere in which they 
find themselves. 

Englishmen do not, I think, so readily divest them- 
selves of their preconceived ideas when reflecting on 
the situation of America, and are apt to continue 
bigoted in their own hypotheses, notwithstanding 
the frequent contradictions from facts and practical 
results to which they are continually subjected. It 
would be difficult otherwise to account for the 



erroneous views that are so often taken of the 
American Republic ; and for the condemnation of a 
system pursued with such remarkable success in one 
country, because it is not adapted to the circum- 
stances of another. 

As all human institutions carry with them from 
the first moment of their origin the seeds of their 
own decay or dissolution, it would be folly to expect 
that the American constitution should not share in 
the general imperfection of our nature. But so far 
from considering the political system of the United 
States as 'peculiarly fraught with danger to its own 
existence, and built upon imprudently slight founda- 
tions, I conceive it to be better adapted for the 
security, good government, and welfare of the 
American people, than any which could perhaps, 
under their peculiar circumstances, have been con- 
ceived ; indeed this opinion is supported by the 
authority of writers by no means friendly to popular 
governments^'. The constitution of America was the 
work of the combined talent and experience of men 
of sagacity and information, well acquainted with 
the wants and habits of their own country, and not 
ill versed in the theories or practices of others ; and 

* Vide Quarterly Review, No. XCII. p. 585. '' It is a 
scheme^ indeed^ with which the Americans may well be content ; 
for one better Jitted to their situation it might not have been very 
easy^ if possible^ to devise." 



8 

they constructed their institutions upon a foundation 
of experience and practical ability, to suit the peculiar 
circumstances of their countrymen. Hitherto their 
system has worked wonderfully for the prosperity of 
the United States, and it is not one of its least 
advantages that any necessary change or amelioration 
is foreseen and provided for, with such careful pre- 
cautions and restrictions, as prospectively secure a 
remedy for future wants or changes of circumstance. 
It appears, I think, likely to last, and adapt itself to 
the mutations brought on by the lapse of years, with 
at least as fair a prospect of success as the nature 
of most human institutions can promise. 



CHAPTER II. 

Nature of American Republic generally misunderstood in Europe, 
— Its dissimilarity to the republics of antiquity, or to those 
of more modern times. — Contrast between the American Re- 
public and that which succeeded the first French Revolution. 
— Of a Federal Union. 

The name of Republic, or rather the associations 
connected with that title, may go a great way in 
accounting for the misconceptions and prejudices 
with which all considerations of the government of 
the United States are observed. Most of our recol- 
lections of school and college connected with the 
word Republic, present the classical images, but really 
rude and uncivilized habits, of Sparta, the vices and 
defects of Athens or Lacedemonia, or the fluctuating 
and turbulent aeras of Rome. Whatever may have 
been the boyish enthusiasm in favour of those 
governments of antiquity, inspired by the nature of 
our early course of education, there are few of us 
who have assumed the toga of manhood without 
discovering that no forms of government could be 
well imagined less adapted to the wants, the habits, 
or the religious lights of our own country in the 
present day, than the political systems of Greece or 



10 



Rome ; and that they would be as little suited to work 
well in modern times, as the forms of their mytho- 
logical divinities would be to decorate an altar in 
our temples. We soon perceive that the continual in- 
ternal warfare and divisions of the rival petty states 
of Greece were as unlikely to conduce to the hap- 
piness of mankind as the continual struggles between 
the patrician and plebeian parties in Home. 

The name of Republic, as applied to the governments 
of Italy, contributed still farther to the condemnation 
of that form of government. The patricians and 
princely merchants of the north of Italy might wear 
the mask of Republicans for the support of their 
anomalous or commercial oligarchies — with almost 
equal justice might the East India Company's go- 
vernment at Calcutta be called a Republic, at least 
as that term is understood in America; and the 
former government of Holland is scarcely less dis- 
similar. 

But general opinion as to the nature of the 
government of the United States has been more 
influenced by the misnomer of Republic having been 
assumed by the sanguinary and tyrannical leaders of 
the French Revolution of the last century, than by 
any of the foregoing attempts at popular govern- 
ments in the annals of history. When the word 
Republic is m.entioned, straightway a train of horrors 
is called up in the minds of most Europeans. 



11 

Murder, rapine, violence and anarchy, and all the 
accompaniments of the reign of terror, with atheism 
and sacrilege at their head, are conjured into 
existence, and crowd the picture which we draw of 
the effects and nature of a Republican Government. 

Locke advises us to take care accurately to define 
words, by which means we shall avoid much dis- 
puting about tilings. If the word Republic be ap- 
plicable to any of the governments alluded to above, 
and particularly to the monstrous and impracticable 
attempt of the French Jacobins, then is the govern- 
ment of the United States not a Repuhlic, but re- 
quires some other designation. 

Instead of sanguinary executions and injustice, we 
find in America a penal code singularly mild, and cau- 
tious to an extreme in taking away human existence ; 
a system of punishment framed with a view to the 
prevention of crime, and not in a vindictive spirit ; 
and adapted for the reclamation of the criminal 
rather than for his destruction*. Instead of spolia- 

* The excellence of the penitentiary system of the United 
States has been frequently noticed by late travellers in America. 
The penal laws are sometimes blamed by the advocates of a Dra- 
conic code as being too mild. The following extract from a report 
of the Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline is better 
than a comment upon the results of the different systems: — ^' The 
amount of crime in proportion to population is as follows : — In 
England^ 1 criminal in 740 ; Wales, 1 in 2320 j Ireland, 1 in 
490; Scotland, i in 1130; Denmark, 1 in 1700; Sweden, 1 



12 

tion or pillage, we see no country in which the pos- 
session and disposal of property is better protected, 
or its acquisition by judicious industry better assured. 
And above all, there is no country in which religion 
and its ministers are more generally respected and 
supported by the mass of the population, although 
without compulsory provision, and where the lives 
and example of the clergy more nearly approach to 
those of their great primitive models*. 

In examining the nature of the Transatlantic Re- 
public, we find not the astute tyranny of an Italian 
aristocracy, nor the abuses of usurped power ; neither 
do we witness the conflicts between an insatiate 
populace and a proud and unfeeling nobility, as in 

in 1500; in New South Wales^ 1 in 22 ; while in the United 
States it is 1 in 3500. 

* " We had abundant ocular demonstration of the respect paid 
to the subject of religion;" — "scarcely a village, however small, 
without a church," &c. — Vide Cap. B. HalVs Travels in United 
States y vol. I., p. 151, and elsewhere. 

With regard to the accounts lately published by a female 
traveller in America, if we were even to allow that they are 
faithful descriptions, and not satirical caricatures, it would be 
about as fair to estimate the church system of England by the 
proceedings of a meeting of Jumpers or Ranters in some remote 
village, or by the hallucinations of the followers of Johanna 
Southcote, as to judge of the ministers and followers of different 
denominations in America by the representations of Mrs. Trol- 
lope. 

Some account of the revenues, &c., of the clergy of the United 
States will be found in a subsequent chapter. 



13 



Rome ; while the internal struggles, the want of 
unity and force, are obviated by a Federal* Union, 
unknown to the republics of antiquity. 

We may perhaps expect, arguing from what we see 
of the violence of contested elections at home, that they 

* Paley thus speaks of a Federal Republic : — " We have been 
accustomed to an opinion, that a Republican form of government 
suits only with the affairs of a small state." After then enu- 
merating several of the objections usually urged against Republican 
Governments, he proceeds : — 

" Add to these considerations, that in a democratic constitution 
the mechanism is too complicated, and the motions too slow, for 
the operations of a great empire, whose defence and govern- 
ment require execution and despatch, in proportion to the mag- 
nitude, extent, and variety of its concerns. There is weight, no 
doubt, in these reasons, hut much of the objection seems to be 
done away by the contrivance of a Federal Republic, which dis- 
tributing the country into districts of a commodious extent, and 
leaving to each district its internal legislation, reserves to a con- 
vention of the states the adjustment of their relative claims ; 
the levying, direction, and government of the common force of 
the confederacy ; the requisition of subsidies for the support of 
this force; the making of peace and war; the entering into 
treaties ; the regulation of foreign commerce ; the equalization 
of duties upon imports, so as to prevent the defrauding of the 
revenue of one province by smuggling articles of taxation from 
the borders of another ; and likewise so as to guard against 
undue partialities in the encouragement of trade. To what limits 
such a Republic might, without inconveniency, enlarge its do- 
minions by assuming neighbouring provinces into the confedera- 
tion ; or how far it is capable of uniting the liberty of a small 
commonwealth with the safety of a powerful empire ; or whether, 
amongst co-ordinate powers, dissensions and jealousies would not 
be likely to arise, which, for want of a common superior, might 



14 



must, a fortmi, be attended with tumult and riot a 
thousandfold worse in a country where something 
nearly approaching to universal suffrage exists, whereas 
we find that, compared with our assemblies, the elec- 
tions of the United States are order itself, pelting, 
mobbing, or brawling, are almost unheard of on such 
occasions, and more than all, there is little or no 
bribery, or possibility of succeeding merely hy dint 
of money, 

proceed to fatal extremities; are questions upon wLicli the 
records of mankind do not authorize us to decide with tolerable 
certainty. The experiment is about to be tried in America upon 
a large scale/' — Vide Paley, " Of Differe7it Forms of Govern' 
mentj" chap. vi. 



CHAPTER IIL 

Supposed defects of American form of government examined.-— 
Proneness to war. — National feelings towards England. — 
M. de Talleyrand's observations on that subject. — M. Politica. 
— Advice of Washington on the foreign policy to be adopted 
by the United States. 

Many objections have been made to the political 
system of the United States, founded generally upon 
certain theories, or deduced from observations on the 
results of governments called Republics that have 
already existed. The principal defects attributed to 
the form of government adopted in America are 
these: — that the preponderance of the democratic 
party in the state will force the government into wars 
and aggressions upon other countries, particularly 
where national antipathies or predilections exist — 
that the representatives chosen by the mass of the 
people become mere delegates, whose abilities and 
judgments are fettered by the popular will — that 
property must be insecure under such circumstances, 
and that none but men of low origin and unfitted for 
high situations will be elected by the classes forming 
the numerical majority of voters in the United 
States — that the judicial powers in the state will lose 
their independence — and that the alleged economy 



16 

of the American government is a delusion which 
only requires some examination of facts to dispel. 

First, as to the warlike propensities attributed 
to Republican Governments, it is evident that the 
institutions of the United States are not obnoxious 
to an accusation founded upon a supposed resem- 
blance between the United States and the French 
republic of the last century. Capt. B. Hall makes some 
judicious remarks upon this subject when speaking 
of the possibility of a future invasion of the Canadas ^. 
A country that with a population of 13,000,000 
finds a standing army of 6000 ment sufficiently 
large for all its purposes, is unlikely to embark 
in wars of ambition, if even territorial acquisition 
were thought requisite for its strength, which is ) 
certainly not the case with America. For the pur- 
poses of defensive warfare, there is perhaps no 
country more formidably provided than the United 
States at the present day. In 1827, their militia, 

■^ See also Paley. " The advantages of a Republic are, liberty 
or exemption from needless restrictions j equal laws; regulations 
adapted to the wants and circumstances of the people ; public 
spirit ; frugality ; averseness to war, &c." Paley on Different 
Forms of Government. 

t It is somewhat singular that the number of pensioners (all 
military, as there are no civil pensions granted in the United 
States) should greatly exceed that of the whole army. They 
still amount to 16,324, principally men who were engaged in the 
revolutionary war. 



17 

almost precisely similar to the national guard of 
France in its organization, amounted to upwards of 
Isl'^^OjOOO, and all parties agree that few countries 
are better prepared to resist foreign invasion*. 

On the other hand, aggressive wars are little likely 
to be undertaken by a country so opposed to heavy 
taxation as America, and where such powerful ob- 
stacles exist to the dangerous or unconstitutional 
ambition of any military leader. It has been asserted 
that any popular demonstration of national jealousy, 
or dislike of a particular country, would hurry a Re- 
publican administration into warlike measures upon 
slight grounds, and that in the United States such 
hostility would be more likely to display itself against 
Great Britain than any other power, from the alleged 
dislike and^ antipathy pervading all classes towards 
England and Englishmen. The evidence of this 
feeling, as regards individuals, cannot be found in 
many works of late writers, however hostile to the 
political institutions of America ; on the contrary, it 
is only necessary to open almost any chapter of Capt. 
Hall's Travels, of Mr. de Roos', or M. Vigne's, &c.t, 

* The Quarterly Review admits this, more suo : " The nation 
may be compared to a great sand-bank, of which all the particles 
may be good enough in themselves, but which, except for the 
purpose of destroying any one who attempts to meddle with them, 
have no principle of joint action," &c. — Vide Quarterly Review, 
No. XCIII., March, on ' Domestic Manners of the Americans/ 

t Capt. Basil Hall, vol. III., p. 2., '' The same kindness and 

C 



18 

to find a testimony in favour of the hospitality, the 
ready and obliging assistance, perfect good-will and 
civility generally shown to English travellers, which 
from my own personal experience, and that of my 
friends, I can fully corroborate. It is indeed so 

hospitality were shown to us here (at Washington), as else- 
where '" &c. &c. Further on, *' We never discovered the slightest 
diminution of that attention by which we had already been so 
much flattered during the journey;" and many other passages 
might be cited from this gentleman's travels to prove the good 
feeling prevalent towards Englishmen in the United States. 

Mr. Stanley, soon after his return from the United States^ used 
the following language in the House of Commons : — " So strong 
were the ties of a common origin^ that an English gentleman 
travelling in that great Republic is sure to meet with the most 
hospitable reception, as he well knew by personal experience;, that 
great country was proud to acknowledge its relationship to Eng- 
land, and to recognize the love and attachment it yet felt to the 
mother country, and would feel for ages." 

Capt. de Roos thus expresses his opinion on this subject: — 
'\ Nothing can be more unfounded than the notion which is gene- 
rally entertained, that a feeling of rancour and animosity against 
England and Englishmen pervades the United States." 

" Though vilified in our journals, and ridiculed upon our 
stage, they will be found upon a nearer inspection to be brave, 
intelligent, kind-hearted, and unprejudiced ; though impressed 
with an ardent, perhaps an exaggerated, admiration of their own 
country, they speak of others without envy, malignity, or detrac- 
tion." And again: — "One introduction is sufficient to secure to 
an Englishman a general and cordial welcome." — ^''At New 
York the character of an Englishman is a passport," &c. — " At a 
public table d'hote, we were treated with the greatest civility 
by the promiscuous party, who drank the kings health out of 
compliment to our nation," &c. &c. — Vide also M'^Gregor, &c. 



19 

strong as to have been observed at a period when 
political and national feelings were roused, and not 
unjustly*, and the passions enlisted against English- 

* " To place the full annoyance of these matters in a light to be 
viewed by English people, let us suppose that the Americans and 
French were to go to war, and that England for once remained 
neutral — an odd case, I admit, but one which might happen. 
Next, suppose that a couple of French frigates were chased into 
Liverpool, and that an American squadron stationed itself off that 
harbour to watch the motions of these French ships, which had 
claimed the protection of our neutrality, and were accordingly 
received into ^ our waters,' I ask, ''would this blockade of Liver- 
pool be agreeable to us, or not?' 

" Even if the blockading American frigates did nothing but 
sail backwards and forwards across the harbour's mouth, or oc- 
casionally run up and anchor abreast of the town, it would not, 
' I guess,' be very pleasant to be thus superintended. If, however, 
the American ships, in addition to this legitimate surveillance of 
their enemy, were to detain off the port, with equal legitimacy of 
usage, and within a league or so of the light-house, every British 
ship coming from France, or from a French colony, and if, be- 
sides looking over the papers of these ships, to see whether all 
was regular, they were to open every private letter, in the hope 
of detecting some trace of French ownership in the cargo, what 
should we say ? And if, out of some twenty ships arrested daily 
in this manner, one or two ships were to be completely diverted 
from their course, from time to time, and sent off under a prize- 
master to New York for adjudication, I wonder how the Liver- 
pool folks would like it ? But if, in addition to this perfectly 
regular and usual exercise of a belligerent right on the part of 
the Americans, under such circumstances, we bring in that most 
awkward and ticklish of questions, the impressment of seamen, 
let us consider how much the feeling of annoyance, on the part of 
the English neutral, would be augmented." 

'' Conceive, for instance, that the American squadron employed 

c 2 



20 

men by the unfortunate effects of warfare with other 
powers. 

to blockade the French ships in Liverpool was short-handed, but, 
from being in daily expectation of bringing their enemy to action, it 
had become an object of great consequence with them to get their 
ships manned; and suppose, likewise, that it were perfectly 
notorious to all parties, that on board every English ship arriving 
or sailing from the port in question there v/ere several American 
citizens, but calling themselves English, and having in their 
possession protections or certificates to that effect, sworn to in a 
regular form, but well known to be false, and such as might be 
bought for 4.9. 6d, any day. Things being in this situation, if the 
American men-of-war off the English port were then to fire at 
and stop every ship, and, besides overhauling her papers and 
cargo, were to take out any seaman to work their own guns withal 
whom they had reason, or supposed, or said they had reason to 
consider American citizens, or whose country they guessed from 
dialect or appearance; — I wish to know with what degree of 
patience this would be submitted to on the Exchange at Liver- 
pool, or elsewhere in England ?" 

" It signifies nothing to say that such a case could not occur, as 
the Americans do not impress seamen ; for all who have attended 
to such subjects know well enough that if they come to be en- 
gaged in a protracted war, especially at a distance from their 
own shores, there is no other possible way by which they can keep 
their armed ships manned. This, however, is not the point now 
in discussion. I merely wish to put the general case broadly 
before our own eyes, in order that we may bring it distinctly 
home to ourselves, and then see whether or not the Americans 
had reason for their indignation." — Vide Captain Basil Hall's 
Fragmeiits of Voyages and Travels, p. }'J4:,frst series. 

It would, perhaps, not be easy to induce an American to con- 
cede the possible necessity of impressment ; but that is not the 
question at present. Captain Hall places the whole subject of 
the irritations which contributed so materially to hasten the last 



21 



One of the most powerful causes of this favourable 
feeling towards Englishmen is of course to be found 

war between Great Britain and the United States before the 
public so fully and impartially in this very interesting little 
work, that I cannot refrain from continuing my extracts. He 
proceeds to say (page 299) : 

" In putting a parallel case to ours off New York, and sup- 
posing Liverpool to be blockaded by the Americans on the ground 
of their watching some French ships, I omitted to throw in one 
item which is necessary to complete the parallel, and make it fit 
the one from which it is drawn." 

'' Suppose the blockading American ships of Liverpool, in 
firing a shot a-head of a vessel they wished to examine, had acci- 
dentally hit not that vessel, but a small coaster so far beyond 
her, that she was not even noticed by the blockading ships ; and 
suppose further this unlucky chance shot to have killed one of 
the crew on board the said coaster, the vessel would of course 
proceed immediately to Liverpool with the body of their slaugh- 
tered countryman • and, in fairness it may be asked, what would 
have been the effect of such a spectacle on the population of 
England, more particularly if such an event had occurred at the 
moment of a general election, when party politics, raging on thi« 
very question of foreign interference, was at its height?" 

" This is not an imaginary case, for it actually occurred in 
1804, when we were blockading the French frigates in New 
York. A casual shot from the Leander hit an unfortunate 
sloop's main-boom ; and the broken spar striking the mate, John 
Pierce by name, killed him instantly. The sloop sailed on to 
New York, where the mangled body, raised on a platform, was 
paraded through the streets, in order to augment the vehement 
indignation, already at a high pitch, against the English." 

" Now, let us be candid to our rivals, and ask ourselves 
whether the Americans would have been worthy of our friendship, 
or even of our hostility, had they tamely submitted to indignities 
which, if passed upon ourselves, would have roused not only 



22 

in the common origin of the two people. But an- 
other great moral influence and bond of union is a 
community of language. In a " Memoir" written by 
the present French Ambassador at this Court, which 
deserves to be as well known in England as it is in 
America, are the following very remarkable observa- 
tions : — 

" Identity of language is a fundamental relation 
on whose influence one cannot too deeply meditate. 
This identity places between the men of England 
and America a common character which will make 
them always take to, and recognise each other. But 
an insurmountable barrier is raised between people 
of a different language, who cannot utter a word 
without recollecting that they do not belong to the 
same country ; betwixt whom every transmission of 
thought is an irksome labour, and not an enjoyment; 
who never come to understand each other thoroughly, 
and with whom the result of conversation, after 
the fatigue of unavailing efforts, is to find themselves 
mutually ridiculous*." 

After detailing some of the effects of the great 
moral influence of the use of the English language 
on the legislative and political institutions of the 
United wStates, M. de Talleyrand says, that " we 

Liverpool, but the whole country, into a towering passion of na- 
tionality ?" 

* American translation. 



23 

must renounce all knowledge of the influence of laws 
upon man, and deny the modifications which he 
receives from all that surrounds him, if we do 
not concede the immense influence which the use 
of a common language has upon inter-national re- 
lations." 

The personal observations of this acute statesman 
are further confirmed by Mr. Politica, formerly the 
representative of Russia in North America, in his 
" Apergit'' on the United States, in which he bears 
witness to the great moral effects on the social insti- 
tutions, habits, and feelings of America, to be ascribed 
to the unavoidable use of the language of the mother 
country. 

It may be said that this feeling can exist towards 
individuals without influencing the councils of a 
nation. But whatever may have been the feelings 
of animosity that, at an earlier period of the exist- 
ence of the American Union as an independent 
government, pervaded its members, any person can 
form an opinion, from the publicity with which the 
affairs of the United States are transacted, whether 
traces of such hostile feelings are more to be perceived 
in the measures of the present government of that 
country, than in the behaviour of individuals, or the 
acts of our own government. It would have been better, 
perhaps, for all countries if the advice of that great and 
excellent man, General Washington, had been con- 



24 

sidered as applicable to other forms of government as 
to that of the United States. 

In the address of the first President of the United 
States to his fellow-citizens, on declining to be con- 
sidered a candidate for their future suffrages, are 
these excellent recommendations : 

" Observe good faith and justice towards all na- 
tions ; cultivate 'peace and harmomj with all. Re- 
ligion and morality enjoin this conduct ; and can it 
be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It 
will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and (at no dis- 
tant period) a great nation to give to mankind the 
magnanimous and novel example of a people always 
guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who 
can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the 
fruits of such a plan would richly repay any tem- 
porary advantages which might be lost by a steady 
adherence to it ? Can it be that Providence has not 
connected the permanent felicity of a nation with 
virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recommended 
by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. 
Alas ! is it rendered impossible by its vices ?" 

" In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more 
essential than that permanent^ inveterate antipathies 
against particular nations ^ and passionate attach- 
ment for others, should he excluded; and that, in 
the place of them, just and amicable feelings towards 
all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges 



25 

towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual 
fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to 
its animosity, or to its affection ; either of which is 
sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its in- 
terest. Antipathy in one nation against another, 
disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, 
to lay hold oi slight causes of umbrage, and to be 
haughty and intractable when accident or trifling 
occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, 
obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The na- 
tion, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes 
impels to war the government, contrary to the best 
calculations of policy. The government sometimes 
participates in the national propensity, and adopts, 
through passion, what reason would reject ; at other 
times, it makes the animosity of the nation sub- 
servient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, 
ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. 
The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of 
nations has been the victim." 

" So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one 
nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sym- 
pathy for the favourite nation, facilitating the illusion 
of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no 
real common interest exists, and infusing into one 
the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a 
participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, 
without adequate inducement or justification. It 



26 

leads also to concessions to the favourite nation of 
privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to 
injure the nation making the concessions, by un- 
necessarily parting with what ought to have been 
retained ; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a 
disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom 
equal privileges are withheld ; and it gives to am- 
bitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote 
themselves to the favourite nation) facility to betray, 
or sacrifice the interests of their own country with- 
out odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding 
with the appearances of a virtuous sense of ob- 
ligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, 
or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or 
foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or in- 
fatuation." 

He further says : — 

'^ The great rule of conduct for us in regard to 
foreign nations is, in extending our commercial re- 
lations, to have with them as little political con- 
nexion as possible. So far as we have already 
formed engagements, let them he fulfilled with per- 
fect good faith. Here let us stop." 

" Europe has a set of primary interests, which to 
us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she 
must be engaged in frequent controversies, the 
causes of which are essentially foreign to our con- 
cerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us 



27 

to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the or- 
dinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary 
combinations and collisions of her friendships or 
enmities." 

" Our detached and distant situation invites and 
enables us to pursue a different course. If we re- 
main one people, under an efficient government, the 
period is not far off, when we may defy material 
injury from external annoyance ; when we may take 
such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may 
at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously re- 
spected; when belligerent nations, under the im- 
possibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not 
lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we 
may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by 
justice, shall counsel.'' 

" Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a 
situation ? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign 
ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with 
that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and 
prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rival- 
ship, interest, humour, or caprice ?" 

" It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent 
alliances with any portion of the foreign world ; so far, 
I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it ; for let 
me not be understood as capable of patronizing in- 
fidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim 
no less applicable to public than to private affairs, 



28 

that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, 
therefore, let those engagements be observed in their 
genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unne- 
cessary, and would be unwise to extend them." 

" Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable 
establishments in a respectable defensive posture, we 
may safely trust to temporary alliances for extra- 
ordinary emergencies." 

" Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all na- 
tionSj are recommended by policy, humanity, and inte- 
rest. But even our commercial policy should hold an 
equal and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor grant- 
ing exclusive favours or preferences," &c. &c. &c. 

Without here examining whether the different ad- 
ministrations of America have always acted strictly 
in accordance with these wise suggestions, we at least 
see in them an explanation of the motives that induce 
the United States sedulously to avoid " entangling 
alliances," which in their peculiar position it would 
be folly to contract. And in the adoption of the line 
of policy here recommended to America, it is to be 
hoped will be found an antidote to such national 
enmities as may be supposed to exist in the councils 
of that country. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Examination of objections to the political institutions of the 
United States continued. — Effects of very large constituencies 
not such as have been anticipated. — Corruption not general. — 
The representative bodies in America not de facto delegates. 

With respect to the assumption, that large con- 
stituencies, formed upon the principles that are in 
force in America, will return unworthy representa- 
tives, it is not found to be confirmed by the expe- 
rience of several years, even in the larger states, 
and where the greatest extension is given to the 
democratic principle. We are also apt to suppose in 
England, that where multitudes of voters have to 
decide the elections, a necessary consequence will be 
extreme disorder, riot, and confusion; I can only 
say, that from whatever cause, no such effects gene- 
rally arise from the mode of elections in the United 
States. Let us take New York for an example. And 
here I shall quote the statements of a correspondent of 
one of the leading journals of this country, which, as 
far as my opportunities of observation allow me to 
judge, are perfectly correct on this head. The letter 
is written in support of the clause, giving additional 
representatives to the metropolis ; and after antici- 



pating the objections, on the score of riot, expense, 
&c., proceeds to state — 

" But what in reality is the case ? In a late warmly 
contested election to the Senate for the State of New 
York, there were about 250,000 voters polled ; there 
were no brickbats, no dead cats, or any similar argu- 
ments resorted to on either side ; in short, such modes 
of election are unknown among our unpolished bre- 
thren, and the expense to the successful candidate 
was about 40/." 

" But then ' the man who was elected was surely 
some greasy mechanic, — some pot-companion and 
worthy prototype of the illiterate and ignorant men 
who elected him ?' " 

" The successful candidate was a man who has 
from early youth distinguished himself by his talents, 
his eloquence, and his enlarged and benevolent views. 
He occupied the post of secretary of state for the 
foreign and home departments, and relinquished that 
office from a high and delicate feeling of the peculiar 
position of his party, and that of the present Presi- 
dent of the United States, to accept the appointment 
of minister to this country ; in a word, it was Mr. 
Van Buren." 

" Nor is this a solitary instance, nor confined to 
one party : Mr. Clay, Mr. Webster, Mr. M'Lane (the 
late envoy to this country), and indeed with scarcely 
an exception, all the men elected by the larger bodies 



31 

of constituents, are men distinguished for their ta- 
lents, their services, or their standing in the estima- 
tion of the country. Nor are we authorised to say, 
that this is peculiar to the inhabitants of the United 
States : human nature is much the same, whether on 
this side of the Atlantic or the other. Neither are 
men in the lower walks of life prone to elect as their 
representatives those in nowise their superiors. The 
thought, * I am as good as he is,' will prevent it. 
On the contrary, the greater the multitude, the more 
elevated must be the position which it is necessary to 
take, in order to be advantageously in their view." 

" Then, on the score of expense, the opponents of 
popular representation will say, ' You must advocate 
vote by ballot, or the influence of wealth will be 
paramount in this country, whatever it may be there.' 
But let them recollect, that it is not easy to buy the 
majority of 250,000 votes, at even 5l. each. And 
what is rather a remarkable fact, the ballot is, in a 
thousand instances, not resorted to in the United 
States ; on the contrary, a display of the sentiments 
of the voters is made as much as in this country; 
and the order that prevails is less surprising, when 
we recollect who are the individuals here, whose 
arguments in support of their favourite candidate 
consist in the missiles thrown at the head of his 
opponent. Are they not very generally those who 
have no vote ? A man feels that he can much more 



32 

effectually support his representative by giving him 
his vote than by stopping the mouth of the other 
party with a cabbage or a dead cat ; and he prefers 
the easier and more useful method*." 

M. Vigne confirms this account of the difficulty of 
perpetrating any acts of corruption in the United 
States, and his conviction of the non-existence of 
bribery at elections generally, he says, " that although, 
supposing the rich sometimes to influence the poor 
voters, he believes votes are rarely bought in the 
United States :" — this is quite true, " voters are too 
numerous, and therefore corruptions costly and dif- 
ficult of concealment ;" and elsewhere, " it is to the 
credit of America that individual wealth has never 
yet been employed for any unconstitutional pur- 
pose t." I cannot join in giving this credit entirely 
to the self-denial or patriotic principle of the people 
of the United States. I look upon it as rather the 
result of their institutions, human nature being much 
the same, and subject to the same temptations, in 
America as elsewhere ; but their whole political 
system has been devised with a view to depriving 
wealth of all but its legitimate advantages : and ad- 
mirably have its framers succeeded. A millionaire^ 
in America, may have a mansion in every capital of 

* Times, March 3d, 1832. 

t Vide Vigne's Six Months m America, vol. I. p. 152, and 
191 ; vol. II. p. 242. 



33 

the Union, establishments in town or country, on 
any scale he pleases of expense or luxury, and were 
he distinguished for talents or merit, his riches would 
of course, cceteris jparibus, give him certain ad- 
vantages ; but he would in vain attempt to procure 
admittance to either House of Legislature, by dint 
of wealth alone; and I do not think that it would 
be possible to adduce a single instance to disprove 
this assertion. 

It has been remarked that an aristocracy is grow- 
ing up in every city in the Union ; but it should 
be remembered that it is not a political but a social 
aristocracy. 

The representatives in Congress have been repeat- 
edly described as mere delegates, and not free to 
exercise their opinions or abilities according to the 
dictates of their own judgment or conscientious in- 
tentions. But this, although, perhaps, considered 
theoretically true of the House of Representatives, 
by a great proportion of the Americans, is disallowed 
by many others ; and with regard to the Senate 
certainly does not hold good as a rule. It may be 
said that, de facto, the state of the question is very 
much the same as in England. On any great 
national question arising, or about to be decided, 
the electors naturally ascertain the sentiments of a 
candidate upon that particular subject, leaving him 
free to exercise his unpledged opinion upon all other 

D 



topics that are not supposed so vitally to concern 
their immediate interests. 

To say that every member of Congress is, there- 
fore, a mere delegate upon any debate that might 
arise v^ould be an error, and, indeed, would in most 
cases be mistaking cause for effect. The representa- 
tive is elected because his opinion on certain subjects 
is hiown and approved, not in order that he may 
be compelled to register prejudged decisions opposed 
to his own judgment. 

I have before me at this moment a speech of Mr. 
Clay's, upon a highly important subject, and find the 
following words : — " I stand here as the humble but 
zealous advocate, not of the interests of one state, or 
several states only, but of the whole Union ; and 
never before have I felt more intensely the over- 
powering weight of that share of responsibility w^hich 
belongs to me in these deliberations," &c. : surely 
this is not the principle of a hard-curbed and hood- 
winked delegate*. 

In conversation with more than one of the most 
distinguished men in Congress, I have frequently 
heard opinions expressed that quite corroborated the 
view here taken of the state of feeling on this head 
in the United States. 

Other objections on the score of insecurity to pro- 

* Vide Debates in the Senate, Feb., 1832. 



35 



perty, real expense of the Government of the United 
States, &c. are incidentally answered in the course 
of the following pages ; but with regard to the real 
independence of the judicial power of America, so 
vital a question deserves particular attention. 



d2 



CHAPTER V. 

Supreme Court of the United States. — Its judicial independence 
and high character. — Diplomatic agents particularly interested 
in its proceedings. — Has jurisdiction in all cases touching the 
law of nations. — State " Judiciaries." — Associate judges. 

It would be quite superfluous on the part of the 
author of these pages to offer any remarks upon the 
high personal and judicial character of the Chief 
Justice and the other individuals composing the Su- 
preme* Court of the United States ; such a tribute 
of respect, as he would be proud to offer, could only 
be regarded, as a matter of course, by those who have 
been honoured by an acquaintance with these gentle- 
men, or who have regarded with any attention the 
proceedings of the court at which they preside. 

But the elevated reputation which the decisions 
and conduct of the Supreme Court of the United 
States have so justly acquired, is by no means likely 
to cease with the lives of those now composing it. 

* The character of the venerable Chief Justice Marshall is as 
justly appreciated and respected by those foreigners whose high 
diplomatic situations have afforded them opportunities of culti- 
vating his friendship, as by his own countrymen. And it is a 
singular compliment extorted from those who are inimical to the 
institutions of his country, that they attribute much of the suc- 
cess that has hitherto attended its existence to the personal cha- 
racter of the head of the Supreme Court. 



37 

If judicial independence can be secured by any safe- 
guard to be provided by legislative foresight or 
prudence, it will not be difficult to show that the 
Federal " Judiciary" of the United States is placed 
upon as firm a basis as can be well imagined. 

The nature of the Supreme Court* of the United 

* " That the Supreme Court shall have exclusive jurisdiction 
of all controversies of a civil nature, where a state is a party, 
except between a state and its citizens ; and except also between 
a state and citizens of other states, or aliens, in which latter case 
it shall have original, but not exclusive jurisdiction ; and shall 
have, exclusively, all such jurisdiction of suits or proceedings 
against ambassadors, or other public ministers, or their domestics, 
or domestic servants, as a court of law can have or exercise coji- 
sistently with the law of nations; and original, but not exclusive 
jurisdiction of all suits brought by ambassadors, or other public 
ministers, or in which a consul or vice-consul shall be a party " — 
Public and General Statutes of the United States, published by 
Justice Story, chap. xx. § 13. 

There are few countries where the immunities and privileges 
extended by civilized nations to the representatives of foreign 
powers, are more complete or more strictly protected than in 
America : thus, ^' If any writ or process shall, at any time here- 
after, be sued forth or prosecuted by any person or persons, in 
any of the courts of the United States, or in any of the courts of 
a particular state, or by any judge or justice therein, respectively, 
whereby the person of any ambassador or other public minister, 
of any foreign prince or state, authorized and received as such 
by the President of the United States, or any doinestic or do- 
7nestic servant of any such ambassador or other public minister, 
may be arrested or imprisoned, or his or their goods or chattels 
he distrained, seized, or attached, such writ or process shall be 
deemed and adjudged to be utterly null and void, to all intents, 
construction, and purposes whatsoever. 



38 



States is the more interesting to foreigners, as it has 
original jurisdiction in all suits brought by foreign 



§ 26. " That in case any person or persons shall sue forth or 
prosecute any such writ or process, such person or persons, and 
all attorneys or solicitors prosecuting or soliciting in such case, 
and all officers executing any such writ or process, being thereof 
convicted, shall be deemed violators of the laws of nations, and 
disturbers of the public repose, and imprisoned, not exceeding 
three years, and Jined at the discretion of the court" &c. This 
protection is legally assured by a very easy condition, viz., that 
^' the name of such servant be first registered in the office of the 
Secretary of State, and by such secretary transmitted to the 
marshal of the district in which Congress shall reside, who shall, 
upon receipt thereof, affix the same in some public place in his 
office, whereto all persons may resort and take copies without fee 
or reward." 

§ 27. ^' That if any person shall violate any safe conduct or 
passport duly obtained, and issued under the authority of the 
United States, or shall assault, strike, wound, imprison, or in 
any other manner infract the law of nations, by offering violence 
to the person of an ambassador or other public minister, such 
person so offending, on conviction, shall be imprisoned not ex- 
ceeding three years, and fined at the discretion of the court'' — 
Ibid,, chap, xxxvi. § 25, 26, and 27. And the most extended 
and liberal interpretation is given to these provisions. 

In a case that occurred soon after the assumption of the throne 
by Don Miguel in Portugal, a suit was instituted against one of 
the agents of Don Pedro, or rather of Dona Maria. As this gentle- 
man was no longer legally a representative (after the recognition 
of Don Miguel by the United States), it became a question of 
some interest and doubt whether the usual privileges would be 
allowed in his case ; but the utmost extension of national courtesy 
was exercised on this occasion, and all proceedings accordingly 
stopped. 



39 

ministers, charg^s-d'affaires, &c. It takes cognizance 
exclusively of all cases affecting envoys and other 
diplomatic functionaries, consuls, vice-consuls, as well 
as of all cases connected with the law of nations. 

Some important peculiarities are observable in the 
relations of the United States with other govern- 
ments, which result partly from the form of its con- 
stitution, and partly from legal causes. In the rati- 
fication of treaties for instance, the concurrence of 
two-tJihds of the Senators present^ is required to 
carry into effect the ratification of the President of 
the United States*. 

Difficulties also arise in procuring the delivery to 
the agents of a foreign power of fugitives from justice, 
&c., somewhat similar to those which the Habeas 
Corpus Act produces in cases of a like nature in 
England. This was long ago perceived by a very in- 
telligent observer of American affairs :— " Quoiqu'il 
en soit, une chose tres-positive et qu'il importe de ne 
pas perdre de vue, lorsqu'on a des rapports politiques, 
avec le Gouvernement Am^ricain, c'est que sa souve- 
rainete est incomplete. II en resulte que dans plu- 
sieurs cas, ou le droit des gens est interess^, il est 
impossible au Gouvernement Americain d'accorder la 
reciprocity sans outre passer ses pouvoirst." 

* Vide Constitution of the United States, Art. II. sect. 2. 
t However this may be, one thing is very certain, and must 



40 

The members of the Federal Judiciary are ap- 
pointed for life, and they can be dismissed from office 
only by impeachment. In England no judge can be 
removed but by conviction for some offence, or the 
address ofhoth Houses of Parliament, which may 
be called an Act of Legislature, But the judges 
of the Supreme Courts cannot be reached by address, 
and enjoy perfect immunity from the measures of 
either the President or the Houses of Congress. In 
some of the states, however, a similar provision to 
that of our constitution has been adopted, but the 
dangers to the practical independence of the judges, 
arising from popular excitement, have been neutra- 
lized by requiring the concurrence of two-thirds of 
each branch of the legislature, in order to effect a 
removal. 

In some of the states the judges are periodically 
elective : this I think must be considered as a vicious 
system, and many persons of experience will be found 
in the United States who much condemn it, and 
who regret that the organization is not universally 

by no means be lost sight of in any political relations with the 
American Government. Its sovereign power is incomplete. From 
which it results, that in many cases, where the law of nations is 
concerned, it is impossible for the American Government to 
admit reciprocity, without exceeding its legal powers. — Politica's 
Aperfu cle la Situation interieure des Etals Unis d'Ameriquey 
P- 70. 



41 

assimilated to that of the judiciary of the Federal 
Government. 

There is one peculiarity of the state "judiciary" 
deserving of remark. Two associate judges are ap- 
pointed, who assist a legal judge presiding on the 
bench of the courts of the various judicial districts : 
this has appeared to many foreigners as an inju- 
dicious anomaly in legal practice. I am not suffi- 
ciently cognizant of the subject to attempt to decide 
upon its technical propriety ; but, practically, the re- 
sults of this system are good. The associates being 
generally men of respectability and good sense, well 
acquainted with the local peculiarities of their districts, 
and engaged in the ordinary transactions of life, 
they may often modify the mere legal and strictly 
literal application of the laws. The presiding lawyer- 
judge, abstracted by professional pursuits from a 
similar familiarity with the common business and oc- 
cupations of his fellow-citizens, has thus an oppor- 
tunity of obtaining information on particular cases 
from two persons who may be regarded in some 
measure as i^esporisihle juro7^s ; they may also be 
considered as ansv^ering many of the purposes of our 
magistrates, of whom by far the greater proportion 
are not legal men, and often very imperfectly qua- 
lified to decide on legal points ; they are liable to 
greater responsibility however than our magistracy, 
and although sometimes acting de facto as equitable 



42 

arbitrators, leave points of law to the professional 
judge. An appeal also lies from their decisions to 
the Supreme Court. 

Captain Hall does not think that the independence 
of judicial functions in the United States is suffi- 
ciently assured. His remarks on this subject are so 
ably answered by the author of a " Review of Captain 
B. Hall's Travels in North America*/' that I must 
refer the reader to an extract from it, to be found in 
the Appendix t, for a much better elucidation of the 
subject than it is in my power to give. 

It is to be regretted that Captain Hall should 
have so decidedly announced a determination never 
himself to adopt the old principle of audi alteram 
partem (on the subject of America), which he 
justly recommends to others ; he might possibly 
have found that in some instances he has, from the 
unavoidable disadvantages under which all foreigners 
labour when describing in detail so extensive a 
country as the United States, misconceived some 
points in a moral and political system so very 
different from our own. 

Mr. Vigne, whose opinions on this subject deserve 

* Attributed, I believe rightly, to the President of the Bank 
of the United States, Mr. Biddle, a gentleman distinguished alike 
for sound sense, extensive information, and the pleasing urbanity 
of his manners. 

t Vide Appendix, No. 1. 



43 

greater weight from his being himself a lawyer, as 
well as from the generally unprejudiced tone of his 
pleasing work, says, " The authorities of the su- 
preme court are intended as the safeguards of the 
union ;" and he adds, justly, "that the independence 
of this court, and, in fact, of all the federal ju- 
diciary, may be termed the sheet anchor of the 
United States." 

The late decision of the court in favour of the 
Cherokee Indians, and reversing a decree lately 
obtained by the state of Georgia, cannot but 
add to the dignified and impartial character that has 
ever distinguished the proceedings of that eminent 
body, and gives additional confidence, if any were 
wanting, in the future firmness of a court, whose 
principles are as unbiassed by selfish as by party 
feelings. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Misrepresentations of the domestic manners of the Americans. — 
Many of the peculiarities of the social system of the United 
States not attributable exclusively to the Republican form of 
government. — Advantages and defects compared of American 
and English systems. 

It was not my intention to have touched upon 
the social system of the United States, or the effects 
produced upon it by the nature of its government, 
it is but incidentally connected with the object of 
these remarks. A late work, however, upon the 
" Domestic Manners of the Americans," has pre- 
sented such a very unfaithful picture of society in 
the United States, that a few observations on the 
subject may be necessary. It is true that the 
authoress describes but the manners and habits of a 
portion of the community, and of a section of the 
country but lately emerged from the state of an almost 
uninhabited wilderness ; while her candid declaration 
of dislike and ill-will towards the Americans and 
their institutions, political or social, sufficiently ac- 
counts for the satirical, clever, but highly coloured 
caricatures in which the writer indulges. But the 
general reader, amused by the spirited tone of 



45 

acerbity and sarcastic talent with which the pictures 
are drawn, and totally unacquainted with the country 
described, does not examine the justice of the repre- 
sentation, as applied to the upper classes, par- 
ticularly in the larger and older capitals, and mis- 
takes it for a general outline of American society. 
This impression is fostered by the notice in the 
Quarterly Review, which carefully keeps out of view 
Mrs. Trollope's raptures at New York, and even at 
Washington, in which places, however, it does not 
appear that she, from whatever cause, ever was re- 
ceived in the higher circles. Of Boston and New 
England generally, which others* describe as, ^9«r 
excellence, the seat of ultra aristocracy in the United 
States, the work does not speak at all. 

To estimate justly the fidelity of the writer's 
satire as a tableau general of American society in 
the United States, let us imagine an American, or 
any other foreigner, coming to England, and " lo- 
cating" himself in the fens of Lincolnshire, or in 
some remote village of Lancashire f or Yorkshire, 



* Vide Vigne, Vol. II. p. 242. 

t Mr. McGregor says^ speaking of tlie United States^ " No 
gentleman who is commonly polite will meet with any thing but 
kind treatment in America; and as to the peculiarities of their 
tongue, I need only observe that I have never met with an Ame- 
rican, however humble, whose language was not 'perfectly plain 



46 

and giving the language, tone, and manners of the 
society that he might find there as a fair specimen 
of good company in England ; or lodging at Wap- 
ping, or in some obscure part of the Tower Hamlets, 
and giving the " veils" and " vats," the " osses" 
and " himages " of some of the cockney population 
as a fair sample of London manners ! He might 
even add, " I give this as a specimen of the manners 
and habits of the greater ^art of the community," 
with literal truth, as doubtless, numerically, the 
major part of the inhabitants of the metropolis do 
not distinguish themselves 2i% puristes in language; 
but would it be strictly fair to convey such an impres- 
sion of the general manners of England, if a faithful 
picture were intended ? The late publication of the 
tour of Prince Piichler Muskau is a fulsome eloge of 
English usages compared with Mrs. Trollope's ac- 
count of American manners ; yet it has not escaped 
censure neither the most gentle nor argumentative. 

If the foreign traveller whom I am supposing, in 
addition to his bad choice of residence, should evince 
the equally bad taste of visiting England under the 
auspices of Mr. Carlile or the '* Rev." Mr. Taylor, 
and come to pass some time under their roof, it 

and intelligible to me; while I can scarcely ufiderstatid half 
what the country -people say within a few miles of me in Lan- 
cashire," &c. — Vide McGregor, Vol. I. p. 39. 



47 

would not contribute to render his subsequent access 
to the best society more ready. It was doubtless 
unfavourable to the opportunities which the authoress 
herself could of course have easily commanded, of 
personally judging of the high classes of society in 
America, that some of her " philosophical friend's " 
" fanatical*" and " startling theories" were highly 
unpopular in the United States, and an intimacy 
with that lady was, possibly, not the best avenue 
to the society of the " patrician few," whose manners 
are not described by the authoress. 

In Miss Wright's lectures, according to the Quar- 
terly Review t and the newspaper reports upon them, 
she advocated the suppression of all religions, and 
the abolition of all such restraints upon the natural 
impulses as the institution of marriage, &c. &c. 

A strong prejudice exists in America, notwith- 
standing the supposed want of respect for all esta- 
blished customs, in favour of these antiquated insti- 
tutions, and against the doctrines promulgated by 
Miss Wright ; and, in a country where such a feeling 
is predominant, and where the women of the upper 

* The Quarterly, in reviewing Mrs. TroUope's book, thus de- 
signates Miss Wright's attempts to preach down religion, mar- 
riage, &c. ; while the poor German Prince is called a '■ blas- 
phemer," a " scoffer," &c. — Vide Quarterly Review, Nos. XCII., 
XCIII., 1832. 

t " Miss F. Wright, lecturer itinerant against Christianity, 
matrimony, and all other old-fashioned delusions," &c — Ibid. 



48 

classes are accused of being prudishly sensitive on all 
subjects where female delicacy is concerned, it is not 
difficult to conceive that her patronage was no pass- 
port to the best society, Mrs. Trollope very properly 
condemns the system of Miss Wright, and in much 
stronger terms than the reviewer ; but it is to be 
presumed that justice was not done to her on this 
score, or we should doubtless have seen in her book 
descriptions proportionately as graphic and faithful 
of the good society of America as her diatribes 
against the lower orders are severe and char gees. 
Judging by the high praise that she bestows in some 
portion* of what she saw in the United States, it is 
fair to suppose that she would have done justice to 
a very different state of society from that which 
she describes, had she enjoyed opportunities of per- 
sonally forming an opinion on the habits of the 
upper ranks. 

As to the more classical refinements produced by 
the cultivation of a taste for the fine arts, and the 
elaborate luxuries which naturally arise in a commu- 
nity where hereditary wealth and rank give leisure 
and encouragement to the lighter and more seductive 
studies, they cannot be expected to attain rapidly to 
any perfection, when the very culture of the soil is 
in its infancy. But it is surprising that where pur- 

■ * Vide her Descriptions of New York^ Washington^ Beauty 
of the Women, &c. &c. 



49 

suits and occupations, little connected with literary 
and scientific pursuits, are of necessity so universally 
followed, there should, in the older Atlantic capitals 
at least, be such progress already made towards these 
ornamental superstructures of civilization. Le su- 
perjlu, chose si necessaire, may be found either at 
Boston, New York, Philadelphia, &c., and in much 
greater perfection than might reasonably be expected 
by Europeans ; those who are disappointed at not 
finding the " stately homes of England" rising among 
primeval forests, or on the banks of rivers that but a 
few years back watered the undisturbed domain of 
the painted Indian, have in truth built castles in the 
air when they proceeded to visit America. And if 
we find little artificial and conventional refinement 
among persons enjoying many of those comforts of 
affluence that among us are generally the portion of 
the few and educated alone, should we not rather 
consider the complete independence and comparative 
happiness of a large class of men, who in the mother 
country might be starving on the miserable stipend 
of a poor-house, or on the daily wages of fifteen hours' 
work in a manufactory, than be surprised at their 
rusticity of manner ? — It is quite true, that many of 
the habitual elegancies of life (which a very few years 
ago were exotic superfluities in our own country) are 
not to be met with in the recently settled countries, 

E 



50 

and there are " men of education and of refinement *, 
in every state of the Union," who know by the expe- 
rience acquired in other countries, the full value of 
the advantages that they cannot expect as yet to 
realize in their own. But let us pause awhile, and 
reflect, that if we listen to the predictions of those 
who argue the speedy downfal of the political insti- 
tutions of America, we should also await the lapse of 
a few years of successful improvements, to pronounce 
on the possibility of refinement following in the steps 
of wealth and education, especially in that country, 
where a comparatively very short period suffices to 
produce a wonderful advancement. Nor should we at- 
tribute all the defects incident to the infancy of every 
society entirely to the effects of the popular nature 
of the government of the United States. The inha- 
bitants of the contemporaneous colonies of British 
America f, under similar physical circumstances, 
evince the same aversion for menial service, from like 
causes, and have not been more distinguished in the 
career of literature, arts and sciences, than their im- 
mediate neighbours, although under a very different 
form of government; nor can it for some time be 
expected that it should be otherwise. 

If there are not, however, in America, generally, 

* Vide Vigne, vol. II. p. 242. 

t Vide B. Hall's Travels in North America, vol. I. p. 299, &c. 



51 

whether colonial or independent, many of the advan- 
tages which hereditary rank and privileged wealth 
indisputably bring in their train, neither are there 
their countervailing evils ; political corruption, for 
instance, is nearly impracticable ; if the conventional 
forms and increasing artificial wants of the highly 
artificial system of England are wanting, neither is 
there to be discovered that much more disgusting and 
contemptible real vulgarity resulting from the abject 
worship of rank and wealth that debases the lower 
orders, and some members of almost every class of 
society in our country. If the roughness of manner 
and extreme independence of the lower classes * in the 

* There are many parts of Europe where the freedom of 
manner of the lower classes would much startle a cockney tra- 
veller, particularly in nations where Englishmen are inclined to 
think that a great degree of personal degradation must neces- 
sarily be found among the bourgeois and peasantry. In Spain, 
Austria^ Denmark, or Sweden, a traveller is frequently struck 
by this independence of deportment. I have witnessed it in all 
these countries, but particularly in Spain. In the mountains of 
Andalusia, in a hovel of a venta, the host, or his brother peasants, 
will receive you with perfect good-nature and rough hospitality, 
but with a cool tacit assertion of perfect equality in demeanour, 
as widely dijQTerent from the habits of England as are those of 
America. It is true, that while eating garlic with a pocket- 
knife and with a lack of the means and appliances of civilized life 
that would be the death of a dandy, the lowest Spaniard has a 
quiet dignity of manner that, however rustic, must exclude vul- 
garity, which never can exist where there is a true and natural 
independence of feeling and absence of affectation. This freedom, 
or perhaps coarseness, of manner is not offensive (at least I never 

E 2 



52 



remote parts of the Union be occasionally disagree- 
able to Europeans, accustomed to, and perhaps ex- 
acting, the interested homage paid to opulence in 
other countries, the hassesses with which exclusive 
divinities are propitiated in England, (and verily 
often by those who have little excuse for not know- 
ing better,) are unknown. There may be much 
want of external polish found combined with much 
practical good sense ; although there are few of the 
miserable coxcombries of dandyism, — there will be 

found it so)^ because you perceive in it an evident absence of all 
intentional incivility ; yet it was^, perhaps, more near being dis- 
agreeable sometimes in the cafes and \2iYge:Y fondas or inns, where 
the waiters when unemployed would quietly take their seats, 
after, perhaps, asking you to light their cigar with your own. I 
remember particularly on board one of the steam-boats that run 
between Cadiz and Seville (for steam-boats now are constructed 
on the banks of the Guadalquivir, and somewhat disenchant the 
reveries of the traveller), the waiter, with his cap on his head 
and stump of a cigarillo in his mouth, quietly seated himself by 
me and took one of my pistols from holsters lying near, and 
began coolly to descant on the merits of its English workmanship. 
I have been on board many American steam-boats, and never saw 
the theory of equality and independence so strongly exemplified 
by the practices of any of their attendants. There is a want of 
keeping in this sort of familiarity when in a crowded city or on 
board one of these floating hotels, at least our associations make 
us think so, that is infinitely more likely to give a slight feeling 
of what the French call chair de poule, than when we meet the 
active peasant on the mountain-paths of the Contrabandistas, or 
the athletic, well-armed, and well-mounted " caballero," who may 
be no better (or no worse) than a peasant, in the wild fastnesses 
of a Moorish village on the sierras of Andalusia. 



53 



found successful individuals of humble origin (not 
forming exceptions to a rule, but) in numbers suf- 
ficient to prove amply that talent and well-directed 
industry and energy are certain, as human institutions 
can make them, of being rewarded by the highest 
stations in society : yet it will not be easy to find 
among the numerous and efficient employes of the 
American government a single specimen of the 
genus, vulgarly, but expressively, classified as the 
" Jack-in-office," whose absurd or stupid impertinence 
often clogs the operations of the European bureaux 
that they infest. — -There are to be found men of large 
hereditary or acquired possessions, whose feelings, 
education, and manners would ornament any society, 
divested of the puerile varieties of an exclusive circle, 
or the putid puppyisms of the silver-fork school. 

Americans may well be excused if their patience 
is somewhat taxed by the short-sighted and captious 
criticisms that are sometimes uttered by foreigners 
upon their country, their government, or their man- 
ners. I look at that immense tract of country west 
of the Alleghanies, that a very few years ago was 
comparatively a wild forest, where many millions 
of acres were thinly occupied by a * few thousand 

* " Witness the result of free and protecting institutions. Fifty 
years ago the population westward of the Alleghanies did not ex- 
ceed 15,000, now it amounts to five millions. The population of 
priest-ridden Mexico has not increased for centuries." — See Vigne, 
Vol. 11. p. 85. 



54 



inhabitants, and see a population already greater 
than that of several independent kingdoms, daily 
increasing in numbers and adding to their comforts ; 
where cities and towns spring up as if by magic from 
among the woods ; its plains traversed by rail-roads 
and its gigantic rivers covered with steam-boats. I 
see all this going on without tumult, bloodshed, or 
disorder ; and when I exclaim, " This is a noble, an 
extraordinary country !" I am answered in Abigail 
phrase — " But, shocking, the people eat with their 
knives !" 



CHAPTER VII. 

Financial and general prosperity of United States. — Its peculiar 
causes considered. — Principally attributable to a free and pro- 
tecting government. — Mexican and South American Republics 
compared with the United States, — Report of Mr. M'^Lane on 
the finances of the United States. — Opinions of Revue Britan- 
nique and Quarterly Review on economy of American govern- 
ment. 

That part of the American system which, perhaps, 
most strikes the European observer, is its excellent 
financial administration, and the success that has 
hitherto constantly attended all the fiscal arrange- 
ments of the Union, as well as the continued increase 
of its sources of revenue not accompanied by a pro- 
portionate augmentation of expenditure. Again, if 
we turn from the contemplation of the revenue and 
expenses of the Federal Government to consider the 
general revenues of the United States as a nation, the 
growing prosperity and riches of each state, of com- 
panies, or individuals, we find generally an equally 
flourishing state of things. 

Many peculiar but sufficiently obvious circum- 
stances contribute to this unexampled prosperity. 
The virgin soil of immense and fruitful tracts of un- 
occupied territory awaiting the increasing wants of 
an enterprising and industrious population ; the non- 



56 



existence of powerful and jealous neighbouring go- 
vernments ; or, at least, of such as seek to interfere 
with the growing fortunes of the Republic, or who 
have any interest in so doing ; all the facilities for 
commercial undertakings that are afforded by the 
command of numerous excellent harbours, maritime 
cities, immense rivers, every material for ship-build- 
ing, and the possibility of producing the growth of 
almost every soil or climate within their own terri- 
tory : — these advantages, improved by the peculiar 
feelings, disposition, and habits, which I may be ex- 
cused as an Englishman for thinking are inherited 
from the mother country,— all these contribute, to- 
gether with many others that might be enumerated, 
to the unexampled progress of the extraordinary 
country that we are considering. 

But although when tracing the sources of this 
prosperity of the Transatlantic Republic, due weight 
must be allowed for the co-operation of all the above 
causes in producing such successful results, we must 
not forget that they are mainly attributable to the 
free institutions adopted from the commencement of 
the existence of the United States as an independent 
government. This popular form of government may 
be said to have owed its origin and frame-work to 
the system already in force when America formed 
part of the colonial possessions of Great Britain. 

Nor can it be denied that the character of the 
people and their previous political education (if this 



57 

term may be allowed), impressed with the habits, and 
familiar with the mechanism, of representative and 
free forms of government (one of their best inherit- 
ances from their British progenitors)^, had the greatest 
influence in forming the system that at present regu- 
lates the American Federation, and produced the most 
beneficial effects in carrying into practice the princi- 
ples adopted at its foundation. 

The spirit that animates the institutions of the 
United States affords encouragement to all classes to 
improve each of the numerous resources within their 
reach ; by facilitating* education and the diffusion of 
practical knowledge, the people are prepared to reap 
those advantages, the possession of which is afterwards 
protected by the force and stability of the laws. The 
results so far exceed the rational anticipations of even 
impartial observers, that in seeking to account for 
them, we are apt to undervalue the immense effects 
of free and protecting institutions in producing such 
gigantic consequences, and thus ascribe an undue 
share in their production to the influence of other 
causes. Doubtless the adoption of the form of go- 
\ernment of the United States would not have alone 
caused an increase of population from three to thirteen 
millions in fifty years, nor the absence of a national 
debt — nor would it have created such a maritime 
force and commercial navy as now exist in America ; 

* Vide Appendix^ List of Colleges, &c. 



58 

but, on the other hand, ail the favourable circum- 
stances to which we have alluded would not, under 
an opposite system, have produced similar prosperity. 

Look at Mexico, for instance, favoured by climate 
(except on parts of the sea-coast or in the Gulf) 
beyond almost any country in the same latitude; 
and its productions of the richest and most profitable 
nature, with an immense and fertile territory : yet 
we see little promise, since the acknowledgment of 
her independence, of such a proportionate aggrandize- 
ment as the example of the United States might lead 
us to expect. Some of its richest and most available 
territory is at this moment occupied and brought 
into cultivation by a sort of private colony * of natives 
of the United States ; and this with the connivance, if 
not protection, and consent of the Mexican govern- 
ment, who rightly feel that the resources of this im- 
portant province (the Texas) will not soon be ren- 
dered available by their own people. If we look 
to the governments of South America, the results 
hitherto are still less encouraging, for the prospects 
of sudden emancipation (even under highly favourable 
physical circumstances) of a people not duly prepared 
to enjoy political independence. 

It is true that some essential features of resem- 
blance are wanting to render the parallel between the 
United States and South America complete. It has 

* For some account of this colony^ and the Province of TexaS;, 
see Appendix. 



59 

been objected that the South American Republics 
form several distinct and independent countries, 
jealous of each other, and often as opposed by in- 
terests as different in habits ; while, at the same time, 
they are separated by immense distances and natural 
obstacles. Yet the South American governments are 
more entirely the scions of the common stock than 
the States of the North American Union, — they are 
almost exclusively of Spanish origin, speaking the 
same language and having the same religion; nor 
are they more disunited by distance, climate, or local 
interests, than the northern population of the United 
States are distinct from their southern fellow-citizens; 
added to which, many of the States of the Union do 
not even at the present day assimilate either in lan- 
guage, habits, or religion*. 

* New York was the Dutch colony of New Amsterdam^ and 
at this moment many of the old Dutch families of New York are 
among the first in the Union. On the occasion of a late visit of 
the minister of the King of Holland, iM. Bangemann Huygens 
to Albany, speeches and toasts^, at dinners given to him in that 
capital, were made and replied to in the original language of the 
colony, which is still as familiar to many of the old families in 
New York as English ; or, if we may rely upon the veracious 
History of Knickerbocker, much more so. In Pennsylvania, as 
well as m.any other States, there are great numbers of Germans^, 
Swedes, and Finns, &c. or their descendants. In Louisiana, the 
language is principally French or Spanish ; indeed many of the 
natives of that state do not understand English: in Florida, 
Spanish is general. The religion of the latter States is chiefly 



60 



Why should the governments of South America 
not have w^orked so v^ell as that of North America, 
unless from this want of previous habits of independ- 
ence in the majority of the population, and a total 
ignorance of practical self-government ? The same 
want of political experience was observable in many 
of the theorists of the liberal party who appeared 
in Spain at the time of the Cortez, and was one of 
the principal* domestic causes of its little internal 
stability. 

A succinct and able expose of the present state of 
the finances of the United States is to be found in 
the " Report" of Mr. M'Lane (late envoy at this 
court, and now secretary of the treasury at Washing- 
Catholic : Maryland is also principally inhabited by Catholics. 
In parts of New England the descendants of the Puritans still 
retain much of their former strictness in religious duties. The 
followers of Penn are still numerous in Pennsylvania^ and the 
tables in the Appendix will serve to show that there are about 
half as many different religious denominations as are enumerated 
by Evans in his " Sketch of the Denominations of the Christian 
World j" yet, notwithstanding these apparently discordant ele- 
ments, the system of a Federal Union, combined with popular 
institutions, for which the majority of the population were pre- 
viously prepared by their political education, has hitherto pro- 
duced very different results from those of a similar experiment in 
South America. 

* There is little doubt, however, that the foundation of a solid 
constitutional government would have been laid in Spain, but for 
the last interference of a foreign power to aid the views of one 
party in the state. 



61 



ton), submitted to Congress last December. There 
are few nations who, at any period of their history, 
can refer to such an encouraging statement as is there 
given, or can look forward to fairer prospects of 
financial prosperity than are clearly presented by this 
report. 

In this paper Mr. M^Lane recommends the sale of 
certain stocks, held by the government of the United 
States, to the amount of eight millions of dollars ; 
he having clearly shown that they possess the dis- 
posable means at present of reimbursing the whole 
of the public debt before the 3d March, 1833. The 
objects connected with the early reimbursement of 
the public debt being, as he justly remarks, more im- 
portant than the interests of the government as mere 
stockholders. 

The obstacles to this arrangement consist in the 
inexpediency of throwing so large an amount into 
the public market, to obviate which a satisfactory ar- 
rangement with the bank of the United States itself 
is suggested : and shou.ld his plans be adopted, the 
total annihilation of the public debt, on or before the 
3d March, 1833, may be effected ; after which period 
the amount of revenue applicable to that object will, 
of course, no longer be required. He thus comments 
upon this prospect : — 

" The moral influence which such an example 
would necessarily produce throughout the world, in 



6s 

removing apprehension, and inspiring new confidence 
in our free institutions, cannot be questioned. Seven- 
teen years ago our country emerged from an expen- 
sive war, encumbered with a debt of more than one 
hundred and twenty-seven millions, and in a com- 
paratively defenceless state. In this short period, it 
has promptly repealed all the direct and internal 
taxes which were imposed during the war, relying 
mainly upon revenue derived from imposts, and sales 
of the public domain. From these sources, besides 
providing for the general expenditure, the frontier 
has been extensively fortified, the naval and maritime 
resources strengthened, and part of the debt of grati- 
tude to the survivors of the revolutionary war dis- 
charged. We have, moreover, contributed a large 
share to the general improvement, added to the extent 
of the Union, by the purchase of the valuable territory 
of Florida, and finally, acquired the means of ex- 
tinguishing the heavy debt incurred in sustaining 
the late war, and all remains of the debt of the 
revolution." 

"The anxious hope with which the people have 
looked forward to this period, not less than the pre- 
sent state of the public mind, and the real interests of 
the community at large, recommend the prompt ap- 
plication of these means to that great object, if it can 
be done consistently with a proper regard for other 
important considerations." 



63 



Mr. M'Lane proceeds to state that the estimated 
revenue for the expenditure of the government of the 
United States as at present authorized, need not ex- 
ceed annually the very moderate sum of thirteen and 
a half million of dollars. But he judiciously recom- 
mends appropriations in addition to this sum, for 
certain objects, some of which have long since excited 
the attention of all observers of American affairs, on 
either shore of the Atlantic, as urgently claiming the 
assisting care of the government of the United States. 
He thus enumerates the most prominent of these 
objects : 

" For augmenting the naval and military resources; 
extending the armories ; arming the militia of the 
several states ; increasing the pay and emoluments 
of the navy officers to an equality with those of the 
army, and providing them with the means of nau- 
tical instruction ; enlarging the navy hospital fund ; 
strengthening the frontier defences ; removing ob- 
structions from the western waters, for making accu- 
rate and complete surveys of the coast, and for im- 
proving the coasts and harbours of the Union, so as 
to afford greater facilities to the commerce and navi- 
gation of the United States. The occasion would 
also be a favourable one for constructing custom- 
houses and warehouses in the principal commercial 
cities, in some of which they are indispensably ne- 



64 

cessary for the purposes of the revenue; and like- 
wise providing for the proper, permanent accommo- 
dation of the courts of the United States and their 
officers." 

" In many districts the compensation of the officers 
of the customs, in the present state of commerce, is 
insufficient for their support, and inadequate to their 
services. Asa part of the general system, and effec- 
tually to guard the revenue, the services of such 
officers are necessary, without regard to the amount 
of business, and it is believed expedient to make 
their allowance commensurate with the vigilance re- 
quired and the duties to be performed. A further 
improvement may be made in the mode of compen- 
sating the officers of the customs, by substituting 
salaries for fees in all the collection districts, by 
w^hich, at a comparatively small expense to the trea- 
sury, commerce and navigation would be relieved 
from burthens, always inconvenient, if not oppres- 
sive." 

" It is believed that the public property and offices 
at the seat of government require improvement and 
extension, and that further appropriations might be 
made to adapt them to the increasing business of the 
country." 

" The salaries of the public ministers abroad must 
be acknowledged to be utterly inadequate, either for 



65 

the dignity of the office, or the necessary comforts of 
their families. At some foreign courts*, and those 

* The salary of a minister from the United States to any- 
foreign court is about 2000/,, with an outfit of the same sum. 
The consequence of this utter inadequacy of appointments, for 
supporting the position necessarily occupied by a foreign minister, 
either in London, Paris, Petersburgh, or Madrid, or any of the 
expensive residences is, that no minister will be found to remain 
long at any of these courts, unless he can afford to spend at least 
as much again as the salary from his government. In London, 
for instance, in the case of two American ministers, whose 
expenses I happened to know, it was obvious that half their 
appointments went to defray the expense of two items alone of 
their establishment, viz. house-rent and equipage. In Madrid 
there are many articles of comparatively trifling expense in other 
countries^ that are there extremely expensive. The utter insuf- 
ficiency of the salaries of the American foreign ministers has 
long been felt in the United States ; but it is very difficult to 
make the members of Congress from the remoter parts of the 
Union comprehend the extreme difference in the scale of expen- 
diture, absolutely necessary in Europe, (to enable a foreign mi- 
nister properly to support his position,) from that to which they 
have been accustomed. 

Mr. McGregor, in his very useful woik on British America, 
furnishes an additional proof, if any were wanting, of the extreme 
inaccuracy with which foreigners sometimes, with the best in- 
tentions, represent the affairs of other countries. Mr. McGregor 
has every wish to do justice to the United States, and is generally 
very correct in his descriptions; we find, however, the following 
errors (possibly typographical). " The salary of the President 
is 25,000 dollars, or about 4,000/." (it is equivalent to be- 
tween 5 and 6,000/.) ; " Vice-President 5,000 dollars, or about 
1,000/." (!) Afterwards he says, ^' Foreign Ministers receive 
800/.," whereas they receive about 2,000/. It is a pity that these 
errata were allowed to remain. Vide M'Gregor, vol. I. p. 45. 

F 



66 

whose relations towards the United States are the 
most important, the expenses incident to the station 
are found so burthensome, as only to be met by the 
private resources of the minister. The tendency of 
this is to throw those high trusts altogether into the 
hands of the rich, which is certainly not according to 
the genius of our system. Such a provision for public 
ministers as would obviate those evils, and enable 
the minister to perform the common duties of hospi- 
tality to his countrymen, and promote social inter- 
course between the citizens of both nations, would 
not only elevate the character of his country, but 
essentially improve its public relations." 

" In addition to these objects, further provision 
may be made for those officers and soldiers of the 
Revolution who are yet spared as monuments of that 
patriotism and self-devotion, to which, under Provi- 
dence, we owe our multiplied blessings." 

Yet with a view to eifect all these highly necessaiy 
and important objects, together with some others re- 
lating to such internal improvements as are within 
the control of the Congress ; and the w^hole estimated 
expenses of the government, an annual revenue of 
15,000,000 dollars will suffice, or not 3,500,000^. 
The whole expenditure of the Federal government 
will consequently hardly exceed one dollar for each 
individual annually throughout the Union. 

It must be allowed that, considering the advan- 



6T 

tages and security to individuals, found in America, 
and the efficient manner in which all her diplomatic, 
military, and other services are conducted, and that 
this estimate contemplates an increase in the ex- 
penses and remunerations in some of the depart- 
ments of the government, this is an inconceivably 
small sum. 

It is therefore with surprise we find some writers 
in Europe who broadly assert that the ideas enter- 
tained of the economy of the government of the 
United States are complete delusions, and that they 
are founded upon an entire ignorance of the subject. 
Thus the author of an article in the Revue Bri- 
tannique, speaking of the supposed " cheap govern- 
ment of the United States," — " C'est la una phrase 
faite, un lieu commun de notre eloquence parle- 
mentaire, et qui, comme beaucoup d'autres, repose 
entierement sur une erreur. Ce qui est fort Strange, 
e'est que cette phrase a et6 jetee dans la circulation 
par des hommes qui ont visite les Etats Unis, et 
qui entretiennent avec ceux de leurs citoyens qui 
viennent en Europe des relations journali^res. Elle 
n'en annonce pas moins une ignorance complete de 
ce qui s'y passe ; c'est ce qu'il nous sera facile de 
demon trer*." 

* *"* This has become a set phrase, a common-place of our par- 
liamentary eloquence, and which, like many others, is founded 
solely on error. It is very singular that this phrase has been 

F 2 



68 

I confess that it does not appear to me very sin- 
gular that this assertion of the cheapness of the 
government of the United States should be made 
principally by those who have had opportunities of 
personally examining the nature of the American 
system, as I fully participate (after passing some 
years in the United States) in that opinion. If the 
author means to say that it is a government suited 
to few other countries, it would certainly not be so 
easy to contradict him : but as to its comparative 
economy, there can be little doubt that both theore- 
tically and practically it is the cheapest government 
that could be established in a country of such extent, 
in the present day. The Quarterly Reviewer, how- 
ever, expresses a very different opinion (the Revue 
^ritannique coinciding throughout with that journal); 
and Captain Hall points out the supposed key to this 
alleged costliness of the government of the United 
States, namely, that each state having a separate 
government and jurisdiction, we are misled by quoting 
the expenditure of the Federal Government alone as 
the whole burden borne by the people of the United 
States to defray the national charges. 

made current by men who have visited the United States, and 
who are in the habits of daily intercourse with such of their citi- 
zens as come to Europe. It betrays, nevertheless, a complete 
ignorance of what is passing there, which it will not be difficult 
for us to prove." 



69 

It is quite necessary to bear in mind the state- 
expenditures, in estimating the share of public charge 
borne by each individual in the United States, but 
in the tables appended to Captain Hall's Travels 
(Vol. III.), the nature of these expenses is completely 
misunderstood, as they are carried to account in gross, 
as charges directly borne by the population. 

In the course of the following pages the statements 
published in the Quarterly Revievr, JRevue Britan- 
nique, &c. will be examined in some detail, and it 
will not perhaps be difficult to show whence the errors 
have arisen in the estimates above alluded to. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Statements of Quarterly Review on the subject of United States 
examined. — Supposed insecurity of Property. — Conservative 
Elements. 

In an article entitled " Progress of Misgovern- 
ment/' which appeared in the Quarterly Review*, a 
summary is given of the financial arrangements of 
the United States. On perusing this statement, I 
was surprised at the result which the reviewer de- 
duces from his calculations, the data of which seem 
to be principally taken from the statistical tables 
appended to Captain Basil Hall's Travels. The 
writer of this article assumes, that it would be a 
great error to suppose that " tlie government of the 
United States is economical, and that it is, in fact, in 
proportion to its population, as expensive as that of 
Great Britain, or more so." As the whole article is 
redolent of party spirit, and evidently written with a 
view to influence public opinion on subjects connected 
with the great measure of reform, the passages in 
question should not perhaps be regarded as contain- 
ing positive statistical statements relating merely to 

* Vide No. XCII. p. 594, Jan. 1832. 



71 

the American financial system, but rather as the 
special pleading of a counsel, whose object is by no 
means to lay the whole case clearly and fairly before 
the public. Perhaps this may be thought as justifiable 
in political as in legal arguments. 

The mis-statements and singular inaccuracies con- 
tained in the article " Progress of Misgovernment" on 
the subject of America, are doubtless not the result 
of a wish to deceive the public mind with regard to 
the real position of that country. The whole article 
offers internal evidence that its author is personally 
and practically unacquainted with the people and 
country of which he speaks, and adds another to the 
thousand and one instances of the most erroneous 
inferences being drawn from data depending solely 
on hearsay or printed information, particularly where 
a favourite theory is in view, and that theory founded, 
of course, on conviction, but also turned to aid the 
arguments of party, with the unhesitating vehemence 
of political opposition. 

With somewhat similar zeal for the dissemination 
of their own principles, and a corresponding want of 
practical acquaintance with the nature of European 
governments, I have heard Americans gravely won- 
dering at the blindness of the English, or of other 
nations, in not adopting republican institutions and 
forms of government in all their extent, and not only 
arguing for the practicability of such adoption, but 



72 

foretelling its speedy accomplishment. It is true, 
that in conversing with many of tho*se who have 
visited this country, and even, with the better in- 
formed Americans, who never had any opportunities 
of judging personally of the state of things in Eng- 
land, I have found them as well aware of the utter 
unfitness and impracticability of a republican govern- 
ment in England as any sane Englishman. 

If, however, the article in question be not put for- 
ward as an ex "parte statement, but as expressing the 
honci fide opinions of the reviewer, it is difficult to 
conceive how so ingenious a writer can have imbibed 
such erroneous impressions as his statements are cal- 
culated to convey ; the mystification must be laid to 
the account of his sources of information, the writer 
of this article having evidently never been in the 
United States ; this appears at once, not only from 
the financial expose which he gives, but more parti- 
cularly from the preceding part of his paper, in which 
he treats incidentally of the stability of the institu- 
tions of America, and the security of property in that 
country. After insinuating that passing the Reform 
Bill will be the first step towards attacking " pro- 
perty itself in its details, if not the Piinciple of Pro- 
perty in England," he instances the United States as 
an example of tiie insecurity to property resulting 
from a government supported by a " numerical ma- 
jorityr 



73 

The object of these remarks is not to discuss the 
merits of the Reform Bill ; but as an illustration of 
any direct or indirect attack upon that measure, it 
seems that there could not have been a more unfor- 
tunate argument for an opponent of reform than this 
allusion to the degree of stability of property in the 
United States. Americans, or even those who have 
passed sufficient time in the United States to become 
practically acquainted with the nature and working 
of its institutions, will perhaps only smile at the 
predictions of a "time not being far distant when 
the majority shall attack the cause of property, as at 
variance with their own interests," and at the hints 
about a sort of agrarian law, &c., which appear in 
this article. But the extreme ignorance that in fact 
prevails in this country and in Europe generally on 
all that relates to the internal organization of govern- 
ment and society in the United States, is such as to 
give some currency to opinions and prognostics as 
totally unfounded as these, particularly when sup- 
ported by such an authority as that of the Quarterly. 

It will be my endeavour in the course of these 
remarks to point out the errors in the financial 
statements of the Quarterly, after first noticing some 
of the preliminary observations. 

There is no country, he says, where " Property 
will be so entirely and immediately at the mercy of 
those who may have, or fancy they have, an interest 



T4 

in assailing it, as soon as that body shall be suffi- 
ciently numerous to form the preponderating class 
in the community." 

If an American were to reply to these remarks, I 
could suppose him doing so somewhat in the follow- 
ing manner : 

Property is much subdivided, and in the freehold 
possession of an immense number of individuals in 
America ; the monied institutions, — banks, both of 
the United States and of each particular state, — canal 
stock, rail-roads, public or state undertakings, and 
works of a like nature, as mining associations, bridge 
companies, steam -boats, &c., offer opportunities for 
even the smallest capital to be advantageously in- 
vested ; so that the Americans of every class, pro- 
fiting by these institutions, have almost all more or 
less a direct or prospective interest in upholding the 
present system of their country, and it would, in 
truth, be difficult to find the " numerical majority,'' 
which the reviewer anticipates, opposed to the prin- 
ciple of property. 

Besides, the Quarterly subsequently points out 
"three great causes" for that security of property 
which has hitherto existed, that would seem to place 
the period predicted at an immense distance, viz. 
1st. The " inexhaustible fund of unoccupied land," 
preventing the pressure of want ; 2d. " The federal 
mechanism of its constitution, and the strict limita- 



75 

tion of the powers of Congress ;" and, 3d. and lastly, 
the continually recurring interest of the presidential 
and subordinate elections. There is no apparent 
reason why these " conservative elements" should not 
have their effect for many centuries to come. In other 
places the Reviewer finds much to condemn in the two 
latter elements, yet allows that but for them " the 
constitution of the United States could scarcely have 
existed unharmed a year ;" i. e. that without some of 
its most essential features it would be much less ad- 
vantageous than it is, in practice ; which I think that 
no American will be disposed to contradict. Indeed, 
notwithstanding the multitude of defects which the 
Quarterly, in many successive numbers, has dis- 
covered in the constitution of the United States, not 
only as an object of imitation for other governments, 
in which he may be right, but what is very different, 
as 2^er se bad for the Americans, he makes as com- 
plete an amende as any zealous Republican could 
require, in these w^ords:- — " It is a scheme" (bad as 
it is !) " with which, indeed, the Americans may well 
be contented ; for one better fitted to their situation 
it might not have been very easy, if possible, to de- 
vise." Notwithstanding this high eulogium, it is 
asserted in the article : — 1st. That the law is opposed 
to large inheritances, and that laws have been made 
with a view to encroach on the rights of pro- 
perty ; 2d. A general approaching division of pro- 



76 

perty is hinted at; 3dly. That in spite of its ad- 
vantages, the government is barely able to preserve its 
vitality against the destroying power (?) within itself. 
The " federal" or " conservative" power is almost 
extinct. The democratic party, i. e. the numerical 
majority, having so much increased. 4thly. That with 
the " inexhaustible fund of unoccupied land," the 
time is not far distant, — notwithstanding the " con- 
servative" elements enumerated by the Quarterly, 
apparently in full vigour, and likely to continue so, 
and although this is the best possible sort of govern- 
ment for the United States, — the time is not far dis- 
tant when the " 10,000,000," or it might at once be 
13,000,000 — for " no opposition," he says above, " to 
the prevailing system now exists," — will exercise de- 
spotic tyranny. It is difficult to say over whom, as 
the " single despot," placed, by the Reviewer, in 
contrast with the millions, exists but as a figure of 
speech. 

An American might fairly be justified in thus com- 
menting upon the observations in the Quarterly. 



CHAPTER IX. 

United States government well suited to the American people.— 
Testamentary disposition not interfered with by the laws. — 
Division of property. — Conservative principle of American 
government resides in numerical majority. — Public lands. 

But the reviewer will find many to agree with 
him in his former position, viz. " The Americans 
may well be content with their form of government, 
in conjunction with the three happy circumstances" 
which he enumerates, it would indeed not have been 
possible to devise one better adapted to their coun- 
try ; although even this is thought by him to be on 
the eve of dissolution. The objections which neu- 
tralize this fair assertion require some examination. 

First, The law imposes* no restrictions on the 
power of devising property by testament. A man 
may leave all to his eldest son, or divide it as he 
pleases, reserving however the widow's dowry. 

The law does not interfere with the possession or 
employment of property in any way : the late Stephen 
Girardt, a merchant and banker at Philadelphia, is 

* The reviewer possibly thought that the French law on tes- 
taments was modelled upon that of the United States. 

t See an article in the New Monthly for April, 1832, on M. 
Girard. 



78 

a striking example of this. He died worth at least 
one million and a half or two millions sterling*. A 
great deal of property in houses and land, in the very 
heart of Philadelphia, belonged to him ; and I recol- 
lect an immense square, in a fine situation for build- 
ing, in that city, which remained inclosed within 
high paling, unoccupied and unbuilt upon, and ap- 
plied to no useful purpose for years, and so remaining 
I believe until his death, a few months ago, from 
some whim of its proprietor, although " there chanced 
to be a great many neighbours around him to whom 
the possession of the land would have been con- 
venient." I do not instance this as a solitary case, 
and might adduce f others without end to prove the 
complete power of accumulation and disposal of pro- 
perty in the hands of amj individual ; but the ex- 
ample of Girard is the more apposite, as he was 
neither a popular man in manners or habits t, nor 

* Report says near fifteen millions of dollars, or upwards of 
three millions sterling. 

t At New York there is a gentleman supposed to be of equal 
wealth with the late Girard, (also acquired solely by his otvti ex- 
ertions,) although not of the same singular habits. It would be 
a violation of the consideration due to private life to say more 
than that I allude to ]\Ir. J. Astor, known as the founder of a 
colony on the Colombia River. 

X Without being miserly, he was very simple and economical 
in his habits. I have heard, that when he arrived in Philadel- 
phia from France, he was in such humble circumstances that he 
obtained a living by selling sand and sawing wood in the streets ; 



79 

politically of the slightest weight or importance, not- 
withstanding his immense wealth. 

It is certain, however, that the principles and 
habits of the people generally are opposed to leaving 
the bulk of their fortune to the eldest, or to any one 
of their children, to the exclusion of the others ; and 
although there are exceptions, yet the rule in prac- 
tice in the United States is to divide equally or nearly 
so, the property among all the sons and daughters ; 
this is from choice and feeling the usage and not hy 
law, excepting w^hen a man dies intestate. But it 
must be remembered, that in a republic, without 
hereditary titles or honours to support, and with a 
wide and fair field for the exertion of talent and en- 
terprise, this usage has not the inconvenience to in- 
dividuals that Europeans generally may suppose, nor 
is it liable to many of the practical objections which 
exist to its adoption in countries like ours. 

Secondly, That an agrarian law, or any thing 
approaching to it, is likely to become practicable or 
popular in the United States, or that it should even 
be proposed, is so extremely improbable, that one is 

at that time he was between thirty and forty years of age. He 
used to affirm^ that the great difficulty in life is to amass the 
first forty dollars ; that afterwards a man, who is not a fool, can 
always grow rich. Some very munificent acts of his are on record. 
He wasj although uneducated, a man of strong natural good 
sense and ability, like most of those men who have amassed great 
wealth from low beginnings. 



80 

inclined to suspect that the allusion to it is not made 
seriously. Those alone who are totally unacquainted 
with the state of the American community could for 
a moment entertain an idea of its possibility, and 
they have only to reflect upon a few circumstances 
to convince themselves of its utter want of founda- 
tion. The sub-division of old, and appropriation of 
new property*, going on (with few exceptions) almost 
pari passu with the increase of population, i. e. in 
the same relative proportion, extends its effects 
throughout the union. Also it should be remembered 
(and this applies to the third objection, vi%. *' that 
the ' vitality ' of the actual government of the United 
States can scarcely be preserved by the ' federal or 
conservative ' party, now ' all hut extinct,' against the 
prevailing system, or democracy,*') the interests of 
the numerical majority are on the side of the pre- 
vailing system, and not opposed to its "vitality." 
The name or watchword of a party may be " conser- 
vative," "federal," or tory, it matters little as a 
distinctive appellation; but if we look to the meaning 
of words, it may not be difficult to show that in a Re- 
public, at least in such a government as that of the 
United States, the " conservative " principle is to be 
found on the popular side; it resides with the 
" numerical majority," opposed alike to aristocratic, 

* By this is meant, the property or monied associations in the older 
states in contra- distinction to that in the recently settled country. 



81 

despotic, or military governments, as to anarchy or 
disorder; and that country owes its strength, the 
vigour and the efficiency of its administration, " its 
vitality," precisely to this popular principle. 

It might, on the other hand, not he difficult to 
maintain in arguing on the affairs of England, that 
this " conservative" principle may be found to reside 
in a very different party : in a monarchy, and where 
political power is vested exclusively in the aristocratic 
or monied interests, the arguments on this subject are 
founded on a totally different basis. But the reason- 
ing of the " Quarterly " is on the system of the 
United States, to which its applicability appears 
more than doubtful. 

It has been asserted in Parliament, and elsewhere, 
as well as in the "Quarterly," that a "conservative"* 
principle, analogous to that which is the supposed 
safeguard of our constitution, has been found in that 
provision* of the American constitution, in virtue of 
which no change is to be effected in it but by a con- 

* ARTICLE V. OF CONSTITUTION OF UNITED STATES. 

" The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem 
it necessary, shall propose amendments to this constitution ; or, 
on the application of the legislatures of two-thirds of the several 
States, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, 
in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part 
of this constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three- 
fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three-fourths 
thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be pro- 
posed by the Congress," &c. &c. 

G 



currence of two-thirds of all the legislative bodies of 
the Union in demanding such change, and the con- 
sent of tlir^ee-fourtlis to its ratification ; and also in 
the rule, by which, in certain cases, a majority of 
two-thirds of the Senate of the United States is re- 
quired for the adoption of measures of political im- 
portance. But I think on examination that this 
provision will be found to contain few elements in 
common with the principle that is generally advocated 
by the '' Quarterly " as being " conservative." At 
first sight it certainly appears that when a majority, 
wanting but one or two votes of the requisite two- 
thirds, is forced to yield to the wishes of a smaller 
party in the nation or senate, a modification of the 
oligarchical principle is perceptible ; the minority, 
in fact, carrying their point. But let a question of 
great public interest arise, a question which awakens 
the attention, and calls forth the energies of the mass 
of the people in its support, and, in a government 
constituted like that of America, it will be found 
that the necessary majorities will never be wanting. 

It may be a conservative principle, but it is one 
that in effect has its foundation in the necessity of 
placing beyond a doubt the general assent to any 
measure of vital importance by the great prepon- 
derance required, and thus virtually amounts to an 
extension of the principle of governing in accordance 
to the will of the " numerical majority T 



83 

Fourthly. The rapid diminution of the public lands 

will, in the course of time, doubtless alter materially 
the moral and political aspect of America. Still the 
closing up of this " safety-valve," as it has been 
called, of the constitution of the United States must, 
in all human probability, be remote. The Quarterly 
is almost justified in calling this an " inexhaustible 
fund." The government of the United States pos- 
sesses, in round numbers, 07ie thousand millions of 
acres of unoccupied land ; and, making ample allow- 
ance for those parts which are unfruitful or incon- 
vertible to useful purposes, it will be probably long 
before its population becomes inconveniently crowded. 

Up to the present time, twenty millions of acres 
have been sold ; about the same number has been 
granted by Congress for education, internal improve- 
ment, &c. ; and about eighty millions are in the 
market, i. e. surveyed, valued, &c. Some estimate 
may be formed, from the amount of appropriation of 
public lands during more than half a century, of the 
7Xitio which these available resources bear to the 
wants of an increasing population. At the rate of 
one million of acres every year, there will be, allow- 
ing for a progressively increasing demand, ample 
space and " verge enough" for speculation on the 
durability of American institutions, in so far as they 
depend upon this resource*. 

* For some account of the public lancls^ see Chap. XVI. 

G 2 



CHAPTER X. 

Revue Britannique on Finances of the United States. — Letters 
of General Bernard and Mr. F. Cooper^ published by General 
Lafayette, containing answers to the statements of Revue 
Britannique* 

In the month of June, 1831, there appeared an 
article in the Revue Britannique published in Paris, 
on the finances of France and the United States, in 
which the expenses of the French and American go- 
vernments were compared, in a similar spirit to that 
of the Quarterly. The result of this comparison was 
asserted to be that, notwithstanding the supposed 
economy of the American Republic, its expenses 
exceeded, proportionately to its population, those of 
the French monarchy. As this unexpected statement 
was made public at a moment when the French 
budget was under discussion in the Chamber of 
Deputies, and clearly wath a view to influence public 
opinion on so important a subject, it attracted much 
attention. General Lafayette, better acquainted 
with the real nature of the American government 
than any of his colleagues, and naturally more 
desirous, both on public grounds and from private 



85 

feeling, of placing the subject in its true light than 
perhaps any of his countrymen, would have doubtless 
been well qualified to reply to the assertions of the 
Revue Britannique. He preferred, however, address- 
ing two of his friends, in order to obtain such a 
statement as their intimate acquaintance with the 
financial details of the United States, and recent 
personal observation of them, would enable them at 
once to afford. 

He thus elicited a counter-statement from two 
gentlemen, whose opportunities for forming a correct 
judgment on the statistics of the United States are 
undoubted, and whose competency in every sense, 
to furnish accurate information, few will be inclined 
to dispute. Mr. F. Cooper, of New York, well 
known as the author of several excellent works, 
wrote a letter, addressed to General Lafayette, in 
answer to the statements of the Revue Britannique ; 
and General Bernard, formerly Napoleon's con- 
fidential aide-de-camp, (and subsequently several 
years in the service of the United States, until 
the revolution of 1830 afforded him an opportunity 
of returning to his native country, without com- 
promising either the integrity of his principles, or 
the delicacy of his feelings), also answered General 
Lafayette's appeal by an able comparative statement 
on the budgets and financial arrangements of the 
American and French governments. 



86 



By taking the statements of these gentlemen as a 
guide, on the subject of the French national ex- 
penditure as compared with that of the United 
States, we also obtain data which much assist us in 
estimating their relative proportion to the expenses 
of our own government. 

It is somewhat remarkable that both the writer in 
the Revue Britannique and the author of the article, 
" Progress of Misgovernment/' in the Quarterly, take 
very nearly the same views of the financial and political 
systems of the United States, and (although differing 
in some of their details, particularly in their mode of 
instituting their comparisons) apparently with similar 
party views. In short, they wish to give such a de- 
scription of what they, doubtless, conceive to be the 
real expenses of a popular government, as shall prove 
that the ideas generally entertained of their practical 
economy are little better than popular errors. 

In effect, however, it appears, upon an examination 
of facts and details (the only way in statistical matters 
to get at a correct result), that it would be the grossest 
self-delusion to rely upon the congratulatory assurances 
of the Quarterly and of the Revue Britannique, as to 
the comparative economy of the governments of Ame- 
rica and those of England and France. Unfortu- 
nately, neither theory nor practice, founded upon such 
erroneous data, can lead to good results, whether in 
peace or war, whether in a friendly or hostile feeling. 



87 

as reliance upon them produces but a false estimate 
of the resources and efficiency of a powerful and ra- 
pidly increasing state. Relations with foreign go- 
vernments are likely to be most judiciously regulated 
when their real relative positions, particularly on so 
vitally important a subject as finance, are well under- 
stood ; at least it appears to me that no useful pur- 
pose can be served by misapprehension on this point, 
still less by any attempt to mystify the subject. 

The writer of the article in the Revue Britan- 
nique, to which I have alluded, has ventured boldly 
to institute a comparison generally between the ag- 
gregate burdens borne by the French nation to defray 
the expenses of the state, and those which Americans 
support for a similar purpose : he even includes in 
his comparative estimate the military and naval esta- 
blishments, foreign relations, and, in a word, all the 
items of the national budgets of the two countries. 

He calculates that the annual sum of the whole 
of the public charges paid by each inhabitant of the 
United States is thirty-five francs^ while in France it 
is but thirty -one francs. 

The Quarterly Review does not attempt a general 
comparison between the expenses of Great Britain 
and those of the United States ; but taking certain 
items of the respective national expenditures, comes 
to a prospective conclusion, that if the expenditures 
are not quite equal at present, yet when the popula- 



88 

tion of the United States shall equal that of Great 
Britain, these items, by a pro rato increase, will, if 
parliamentary pensions he omitted, exceed the equi- 
valent expenses in this country by 57,378/., and 
ivitJi this item, only fall short of our expenditure by 
166,365/. He proceeds also to estimate the expenses 
of the church in the two countries, and the result is, 
according to him, equally favourable to the economy 
of our ecclesiastical establishment, considered as an 
item of state expenditure. With regard to the admi- 
nistration of justice, he gives no positive estimate, 
but affirms, that there is evei^y reason to believe that 
the ** judiciary" expenditure of America ^^c^^(^^ that 
of England. 

Captain B. Hall (from whose statistical tables, at 
the end of the third volume of his Travels in the 
United States, the Quarterly Reviewer seems to have 
taken almost all his positive information) makes 
the total aggregate amount of charge to each in- 
dividual in the United States on an average of three 
years, 1825, 6, 7, to be 12s. 4|^., in which he does 
not include the expense of religious establishments. 

On the other hand. General Bernard, after going 
over the statement of the Revue Britannique in some 
detail, comes to a conclusion that the total amount 
of the annual public expense to each individual in the 
United States (leaving out the ecclesiastical expenses, 
and some incidental items) is 11 francs 47 centimes, 



89 

while that of each French inhabitant is 28 francs 
12 centimes. 

Mr. Cooper, who premises that he rather exagge- 
rates than diminishes the sum in his calculations, 
makes the amount of annual charge paid by each 
citizen of the United States 14 francs 5 centimes, 
including support of clergy, poor, &c. 

It should be mentioned that the Revue makes out 
its calculations for the year 1829 ; that General Ber- 
nard and Mr. Cooper take 1830 — and that the latter 
gentleman speaks only of the citizen of New York, 
where, however, the state expenditure is among the 
highest in the whole Union, and the clerical expenses 
probably quite the largest. Captain B. Hall's esti- 
mate, as I before mentioned, is on an average of three 
years, 1825, 6, 7, and the Quarterly founds its cal- 
culations principally upon the data of Captain Hall. 

In endeavouring to show how such very different 
results are brought about by these writers, I shall 
have occasion to offer some remarks, which (particu- 
larly those that are suggested by the letters of Ge- 
neral Bernard and Mr. Cooper) will, I trust, assist 
the reader to form a judgment on the real nature of 
the statistics of the United States. 



CHAPTER XI. 

General Bernard's remarks. — Department of state and foreign 
affairs. — War department. — Treasury department. — Adminis- 
tration centrale, &c. — State expenses. — Tolls and public roads. 
— Clergy. — Militia. — Summary. — Mean expense to each in- 
dividual in France and America of public charges. — Extract 
from General Bernard's letter. 

General Bernard observes with great truth, 
that in comparing the public expenditure of two such 
countries as France and the American Union, placed 
under such essentially different circumstances, not 
only is industrious research necessary, but a perfect 
knowledge of their respective financial systems. But 
to expose the inaccuracy and exaggeration of the 
Revue Britannique, he thinks it unnecessary to do 
more than to lay before his readers some positive 
data, which he does in the form of an analysis of the 
French and American* budgets, in parallel columns, 
with the corresponding items opposed to each other, 
so as to enable the reader at a glance to compare the 
amounts either in detail or otherwise. His valuation 
of the dollar is at 5 francs 25 centimes. 

In examining the different items of the United 
States' budget, given by the general, it will be per- 

* Vide Appendix. 



91 

ceived that what is called the department of state cor- 
responds to three departments of the French admi- 
nistration, viz. : Les Miiiisteres des Affaires Etran- 
gh^es, de la Justice, etde Vlnterieitri and that a de- 
duction is made from the latter of 9 lj51 3,51 7 francs, 
appropriated to the ponts et chausees, mines , lignes 
tcUgrapJiiques, and public works, &c. 

It must also be observed that the war department of 
the United States includes some public works, internal 
improvement, and Indian affairs, which being taken 
out of the calculation make the relative expenses 

Ministere de la Guerre . . 187,200,000 fr. 
War department .... 20,929,372 fr. 85 c. 

In the treasury department he includes the pen- 
sions to the officers and soldiers of the revolution, 
and in the Mifiistere de la Financey the pension list 
of France. 

The cost of the different public offices taken toge- 
ther {V administration centrale), compared with the 
whole budget, is in France l-59th, or about 1 and 
7-lOths per cent. ; in the United States l-53d, or about 
1 and 3-lOths per cent., which difference may be re- 
garded as null, by bearing in mind that the expenses 
of this central administration must diminish in its 
ratio to the whole budget, in proportion as the budget 
itself is augmented. 

With regard to the post-office of the United States, 
it must be observed that this is not a hrancli of 



public revenue — it is so managed as to cover its 
expenses — excepting those of the general post-office 
establishment, clerks, &c., i. e. r administration cen- 
trales which is paid by the treasury. These expenses 
amount to l-30th part of the total expense. In France 
they are much higher. 

The expense of collecting the revenue, customs, &c. 
of France is about 11 per cent., that of the United 
States 3 and 4-lOths per cent. ; by taking together 
the expenses of administration, and those of collection 
of the revenue, compared with the whole budgets, we 
get for 

France .... 12 and 7-1 Otlis per cent. 
United States . . 5 and 3-lOths per cent. 

Before General Bernard proceeds to examine in 

detail the calculations by which the author of the 

article in the Revue Britannique brings about a 

result so extraordinary in his comparative estimate 

of the burdens borne by an inhabitant of France and 

an American, viz., that the public charge of the 

United States is, per head ... 35 francs. 
And in France 31 do. 

he makes some general remarks, and says, with 
apparent justice, that there must be a great bias 
in the judgment of any one who could suppose 
that under the numerous favourable circumstances 
upon which he touches, as the geographical po- 
sition of the United States, the commercial pros- 



93 

perity, small standing army, varied products, non- 
interference in the wars which have cost so much to 
other countries, and particularly, that with the form 
of its government (which he characterises as " les 
belles institutions politiques qui regissent ce grand 
pays'"), it is difficult to understand how any impar- 
tial person could come to this extravagant conclusion. 
" Pour arriver a cet etrange resultat^^ the author in 
the Revue asserts that the expenses of the different 
state legislatures taken en masse are equal to the 
Federal budget. Thus : — 

Francs. 
Federal budget .... 131,000,000 

States (according to the Revue Britannique) 131,000,000 
Tolls, bridges, &c. . . . . 10,000,000 

Clergy 30,000,000 

Militia in time of peace . . . 50,000,000 



Total 352,000,000 



He divides this sum by what he supposes to be the 
amount of the population of 1830, i.e. 11,000,000, 
and thus obtains as the annual expense for each in- 
dividual thirty-five francs. 

The smallest error in this calculation is in the 
amount of population for 1830. The census for 
which was, according to General Bernard, 12,856,497. 
This, allowing the above calculations of the author, 
would give twenty-seven francs thirty centimes, in- 
stead of thirty-five francs. The general points out 



94 

the sources of the extraordinary errors in the calcu- 
lations of the reviewer, and makes many very judi- 
cious remarks, which, however, as being chiefly made 
with a view to comparing the statistics of France 
with those of the United States, I shall only suc- 
cinctly notice ; and all observations on similar mis- 
takes that have been made by the Quarterly and 
Captain Hall, shall be reserved until I come to exa- 
mine their respective statements. 

First, The state expenses are made by the Revue 
Britannique to amount to 181,000,000 francs, in- 
stead of which the general, by a calculation which is 
noticed in another chapter, produces 16,970,576 
francs as the maximum of the aggregate state ex- 
penses of the Union. Certainly a most remarkable 
difference. 

Secondly, With respect to the tolls and turnpikes, 
this item might be fairly taken into consideration in 
a comparative estimate of the general expenditure of 
France and the United States, inasmuch as there 
being no turnpikes in the former country, all the 
expense of making and repairing roads, &c. being 
included in the ponts et chmissees, travaux puhlicSs 
&c., while no corresponding item is to be found in 
the American budget. 

Under this head, Great Britain and the United 
States are on an equal footing; as the expenses 
of the roads are defrayed by turnpikes in the same 



95 

manner in both countries ; although from the much 
greater extent of steam navigation in America, less 
proportionately is paid by the inhabitants for the 
maintenance of roads in many States. In France 
it might also be remarked, that there are many 
bridges where tolls are paid, several in Paris ; and 
that after all, the expense must be defrayed by the 
community, whether by a general impost, as in 
France, or a mere local tax, as by turnpikes and 
tolls. The difference is in the mode of collection, and 
the difficulty of course much greater in ascertaining 
the total amount where the latter mode is in use. 

The whole extent of road on which a mail runs in 
the United States is computed, by General Bernard, 
at 41,225* leagues, of 25 to a degree. The tolls 
are generally high, both on roads and bridges, and 
this is the natural result of their having to extend 
over an immense territory with a comparatively 
small population ; the wages of labour being at the 
same time very high. 

In general terms General Bernard calculates that 
out of the whole number of leagues (41,225) of mail 
road in the United States, about 4,000 are subject 
to toll. Those upon which there are turnpikes are 
generally better kept in order than the others ; and 
some idea of the cost of their construction, &c. may 

* According to another more recent calculation, I find the 
distance run by mails to be about 115,176 miles English. 



96 

be formed by the circumstance, that although the tolls 
are very high, yet they rarely bring more than 4 per 
cent., and often much less, on the cost of making. 

But these tolls being generally for the profit of 
private undertakings or companies, and constructed 
rather with a view to increase the value of land in 
particular districts, and for the advantage of com- 
mercial undertakings, than with a view to a pro- 
fitable direct investment of money, — are no more 
looked upon in America as public charges than the 
canal tolls, ferries, bridges, &c. are in France and 
England. Besides which, sometimes the general 
government, as well as particular States, apply large 
sums to the construction and repairs of public roads, 
and carry the items to the Federal or State budgets. 

Thirdly, With regard to the clergy. General Ber- 
nard professes a complete disability to make any cal- 
culation, or comparison as to the annual expenses 
borne by the population of the United States. As 
it forms no part of the national or state expenditure, 
but each religious community supporting its own 
clergyman, the same difficulty exists as would be 
found in ascertaining the amount of the incidental 
emoluments of the clergy in France, beyond what is 
appropriated to them in the budget, " sHl s'agissait 
d'ajouter le casuel aux emolumens portes au budget 
de Vitatr He, therefore, altogether avoids entering 
on the subject, as not thinking himself competent 



97 

to form any correct estimate upon it, and leaves out 
the ecclesiastical expenses of both countries in his 
calculations. 

Fourthly, He proceeds to examine the militia esti- 
mates, and on all subjects connected with the mili- 
tary organization of America, there can be no better 
authority than General Bernard. By certain hypo- 
theses and calculations, which however are very 
erroneous, the Revue Britannique values at fifty mil- 
lions of francs the expense of the militia service of 
the United States, and then adds this enormous over- 
charge to the budgets of the Union and of the States ; 
but with singular inconsistency, or inadvertency, for- 
gets to add the analogous expense in the French 
budget, viz. that of the national guards. Indeed, 
nothing but errors of this magnitude could have pro- 
duced so false a conclusion as that while a French- 
man pays but thirty-one francs annually to the 
expenses of the state, an American pays thirty-five. 

The organization of the American militia is pre- 
cisely the same as that of the national guards in 
France. They have four reviews at most annually, 
and no other regular military service, the circum- 
stances of the country not requiring more. In case 
of invasion, the militia is no longer local, but it is, 
like the garde nationale, mohilisee. But the regular 
troops are alone subject to be sent beyond the ter- 

H 



ritory of their own country. The system is iden- 
tically the same as that of France. 

Finally, He produces his statement of the ex- 
penses. — In the United States, 

Francs. c. 

Federal budget (including public debt) . 130,431,475 80 

State budget (borne by the tax-payers) . 16,970,576 



Total . 147,402,051 80 

Dividing this sum by 12,856,479 (the population) 
he gets for the mean amount paid by each American, 
of public charge of every description, 11 francs 47 c. 

On the other hand, deducting from the French 
budget, 

Francs. 
J. The ecclesiastical expenses . . . 35,921,500 

2. Reimbursements and compensations which do not 

strictly form part of the public charge . 41,939,397 

there remains a sum of 900,074,432 francs, vrhich 
divided by 32,000,000 (population of France) gives 
as the amount paid by each inhabitant in France, 
the above-mentioned expenses excepted, 28 fr. 12 c. 
But if we take away that which goes towards the 
public debts, we find that the American pays annually 
but 6 fr. 6 c, while the Frenchman pays 20 fr. 37 c. 
for the current expenses of the government. 

The general then makes some prospective esti- 
mates of the future financial arrangements of the 



99 

United States (comparing them with those of France), 
which it is not now necessary to detail. But to 
show the light in which a man of great intelligence, 
a soldier, and a gentleman, in every way distin- 
guished and estimable, considers the American Union 
after having passed many years in the country, and 
with the best opportunities of observing its institu- 
tions narrowly, I shall give an extract from his 
letter to General Lafayette. The quiet, reasonable, 
and argumentative tone of General Bernard will con- 
trast strongly with the intemperate vituperation of 
writers, whose favourite theories and predictions, on 
the subject of the United States, not having been as 
yet verified, continue to repeat statements to which 
every succeeding year brings additional contradictions, 
and the fallacy of which becomes evident upon im- 
partial examination. 

General Bernard thus concludes his letter to 
General Lafayette : — " But, general, while we con- 
tinue to admire the excellent political institutions of 
the American Union, and the remarkably enterprising 
spirit of its citizens, we must acknowledge that other 
causes, quite as powerful, have at the same time 
singularly contributed to the astonishing prosperity 
of this growing empire. Situated, it may be said 
insulated, on another continent, separated from ours 
by the ocean, it is in its power to remain unin- 

H 2 



100 

fluenced by the formidable difficulties that assail us 
in Europe ; and even these difficulties, while they 
lead us into such disastrous wars, produce indirectly 
incalculable advantages to the commerce of America. 
Founded at a time when a high degree of civilization 
had already made much progress in England, the 
British Colonies of North America received with 
their origin political institutions, the principles of 
which actuate at the present day the governments of 
the United States, whilst in Europe much time and 
many sacrifices will be necessary not only to obtain 
those institutions which the progress of intelligence 
demands, but even to enable those institutions to be 
justly appreciated, and above all to be well understood 
by the mass of mankind. Finally, the population of 
the Union is at the present moment scattered over a 
territory of almost equal extent with Europe (Russia, 
Sweden, and Turkey excepted) ; and in this immense 
and rich dominion, that multiplicity of custom-houses, 
and fiscal internal demarcations, which so much in- 
jure and clog the development of European in- 
dustry, are not to be found. Europe is without 
doubt the finest portion of the world, the part which, 
on an equal given space or superficies, presents the 
most abundant resources of every kind ; but instead 
of mutually contributing to a common prosperity, 
the nations of Europe, actuated by rivalries without 



101 

end, pour out their blood and exhaust their treasure 
to destroy each other, and mutually paralyse their 
progress towards a better system. What a lesson, 
for the American Union ! when once this is destroyed 
its ruins would soon fall into the same labyrinth of 
difficulties as at this moment disturbs and perplexes 
the nations of Europe." 



CHAPTER XII. 

Capt. Hall's estimate of mean charge to each inhabitant of the 
United States. — Mr. F. Cooper's remarks on the Revue Britan- 
nique. — Mr. Cooper's estimate of mean public charge. 

Captain B. Hall makes the total amount of what 
each person pays to the state and general govern- 
ments, on an average of three years, 18^5-6-7, to be 
12.9. 4<^d., which is much nearer the truth, it appears 
to me, than either the calculations of the Revue 
Britannique or those of the Quarterly. Indeed, dif- 
fering from that gentleman toto coelo as I do, in the 
impressions received from a residence in the United 
States (of much longer duration than Captain 
Hall's), and however different my opinions of the 
future prospects of that rising and interesting country 
connected Vvith its present form of government, I 
cannot forbear to give my humble testimony in favour 
of the general accuracy of all the statements of that 
gentleman that bear upon matters of fact and local 
description ; — do not let me be misunderstood, as 
supposing that it can be necessary to vindicate Cap- 
tain Hall in this country, or perhaps even in America, 
from a charge of intentional misrepresentation. 



103 

The reviews and journals of that country do not 
generally accuse him of this : on the contrary, many 
of the extracts which are given by American writers 
sufficiently show that he in a thousand instances did 
justice to what he saw there ; but it has been asserted 
that a strong political bias — a powerful feeling of 
prejudice — continually interfered with the exercise of 
his judgment w^hen drawing inferences from what he 
saw, and making general and not laudatory reflections 
upon that which he had just before been describing 
with warm approbation*. 

The sum calculated by Captain Hall, like that of 
General Bernard, leaves out the expenses of the 
church and the public turnpike roads ; the error in 
its amount will be easily accounted for in examining 
the calculations of Mr. Cooper and those of the 
Quarterly. 

Mr. Fenimore Cooper had been requested by Ge- 
neral Lafayette to rectify errors in the statements 
of the Revue Britannique ; the general thus explains 
his object in requesting Mr. Cooper to undertake a 
task for which he is so eminently qualified. — " Inde- 
pendently of our common American interest on this 
subject, I feel a wish to undeceive such of my French 
colleagues as may conscientiously believe that they 
ought to oppose reductions in the expenditure, from 

* Vide Review of Captain B. Hall's Travels in North America, 
2d ed. London^ published by Kemiett,. &c. 



104 

the erroneous impression that the taxes of this country 
(France) are less oppressive than the combined ex- 
penses of the Federal and State Governments of the 
Union." 

Mr. Cooper, after some general observations, re- 
markable for their fairness and the judgment with 
which he notices some of the sources of error in the 
theories and reasonings that are frequently applied 
to the affairs of America, and regretting that he has 
not at hand the materials and authorities that he 
could wish, proceeds to give an outline of the origin 
and state of the national debt of the United States, 
part of which will be found in the Appendix*. 

Before examining farther Mr. Cooper's statement, it 
is necessary to give the extract from the Revue Bri- 
tannique, which gave occasion for it. — " The Federal 
budget of the United States, which might also be 
called their political budget, did not exceed, in 1829, 
24,767,119 dollars (or 131,265,729 francs), but in 
time of war "I* it amounts to more than twice that 
sum." 

" Doubtless the moderation of this budget will strike 
one forcibly when compared with the enormous amount 
of ours. We are inclined to envy the fortunate position 
of a nation freed from the diversity of our fiscal im- 

* Vide Appendix at the end of the volume, 
t In the original it is '' mais en terns de paix, il s'eleve a plus 
du double/' evidently a misprint. 



105 

posts, and which in fact has, it may be said, but a 
single source of revenue, that of the customs. It will 
be calculated that even were our army reduced to 
a low peace establishment, our budget would still 
amount to near a thousand million.^ — The result 
would be, that in France the mean amount of the 
public charge paid by each individual is 31 francs, 
whilst in the United States it is but 13 francs : — but 
this is a mere deception. It mxust be borne in mind that 
the twenty-four States composing the American Union, 
are not provinces or departments, but independent 
States, having each their separate budget, as they 
also have a separate constitution. To ascertain, there- 
fore, the public expenditure of the United States, it 
becomes necessary to add the particular budgets of 
every State to the Federal budget, which only em- 
braces the collective expenses of the Union. One 
must also place to account the different county ex- 
penses which are not quoted either in the general or 
State budgets : add to this the expenses of making 
and repairing roads, as on none of our roads are any 
tolls levied, but this item is included in the national 
budget. In the United States, on the other hand, 
a great number of the roads are turnpike roads, on 
which a toll is paid by all who use them. One must, 
therefore, if the amount of these tolls were ascer- 
tained, add it to the other public expenses. Before 
we proceed to examine the State budget, let us analyse 



106 

some items of the Federal budget, and we shall find, 
that the salaries which are paid out of it, far from 
being subjected to a rigorous economy, are almost in 
every case higher than those paid for the correspond- 
ing services in France." 

" The political communities, which have lately 
been reconstructed in Europe upon a new basis, have 
all deemed it indispensable, for the maintenance of 
tranquillity, to place a sovereign in the highest place 
in their social hierarchy. They have necessarily been 
obliged to burden themselves with a considerable 
expense, to invest the family in which the superior 
power is made hereditary with the requisite splendour. 
The genius of America having in some sort sufficient 
space in which to employ its glowing spirit of enter- 
prise does not appear to have as yet required this 
condition to avoid turbulence and disquiet. There 
are forest regions to clear, savage tribes to subdue, 
immense, innumerable plains to be cultivated: no 
expense, therefore, equivalent to what we denomi- 
nate civil list, is to be found in the Federal budget, 
although there is one item nominally the same, but 
which represents expenses of a different nature. As 
has been already said, a constitutional king, none of 
w^hose acts are voted without the countersign of a 
responsible minister, reigns, but does not govern. 
The President of the United States, who does govern, 
has no counterpart in France, but the President of 



107 

the Council, placed like him at the head of affairs : 
his emoluments are 25,000 dollars (or 132,500* fr.). 
The President of the Council in France is fixed at 
120,000 francs in the national budget. The Presi- 
dent of the United States has, besides, a magnificent 
hotel in Washington, and a country villa t in the 
neighbourhood of that town. Notwithstanding this, 
it appears that his apj^ointments are in sufficient to 
cover the expenses to which, by usage, he is subjected. 
One of these expensive customs is, the necessity of 
giving, during the session of Congress, two grand 
dinners, which are far from being remarkable for that 
simplicity attributed by us to republican manners: 
these dinner-parties, and the other expenses incident to 
the representation kept up by the President, deranged 
the fortunes of many of those who have filled the 
post of supreme magistrate. Mr. Jefierson and Mr. 
Munroe died, it may be said, almost insolvent." 

I believe that Captain Hall was the first writer on 
the United States who called public attention in 
Europe to the duplicate form of government of the 
American Union, and pointed out the necessity of 
taking into any calculation of the whole expenditure 

* 132,500, or between 5 and 6000/. 

t This is not the case : the mistake probably arose from the 
accidental circumstance of the family of the late President 
(]Mr. Adams) occupying, at one time, a country-house very near 
^^'ashington. 



108 

of that country, the general and State budgets to 
which each inhabitant of the United States contri- 
butes. The errors in his calculations are in the 
amount which he allows for their joint sums ; and 
although he comes much nearer the truth than either 
the Quarterly or the Revue Britannique, he evidently 
does not take into consideration many circumstances 
the ignorance of which has also misled the authors of 
the articles in the above-mentioned journals. 

The amount of annual charge paid by each indivi- 
dual in the United States is made by Mr. Cooper 
(valuing the dollar at 5 francs 33 centimes) to amount 
to 14 francs 5 centimes. This sum does not materially 
difFerfrom that given by Captain Hall (viz. 12^. 4|c?.) ; 
but there is this important difference in their calcu- 
lations ; Mr. Cooper includes in his estimate, not 
only the Federal and the State budgets, but the ex- 
pense of public schools^ of the clergy^ the poor^ and 
every incidental expense ; whereas Captain Hall only 
reckons the combined expenditure of the general and 
State governments. For the two budgets alone, Mr. 
Cooper calculates the mean charge per head at 1 francs 
40 centimes, or about one franc less than General Ber- 
nard's estimate * (1 1 francs 47 centimes), which also 
omitted the clergy. Before I proceed to examine in 

* It must also be recollected that General Bernard calculates 
the dollar at 5 francs 25 centimes, \^^hile Mr. Cooper reckons it 
at .5 francs 33 centimes. 



109 

detail how these different results have been produced, 
the estimates of the Quarterly should be taken into 
consideration ; as, although not given in the same 
form as those which have been already mentioned, 
they will in fact be answered in the course of the 
examination of the others. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Quarterly's remarks on American statistics. — General and State 
expenditure. — General Bernard's and Mr. Cooper's estimates. 

Afteii some preliminary remarks, the writer of the 
article, " Progress of Misgovernmeiit," observes, that 
" we are not to infer that there is no unnecessary expen- 
diture under the American system," and that in fact 
those establishments which they have in common with 
us are not " on a much mo7'e economical scale than our 
own." He differs from the Revue Britannique, inas- 
much as he says, *^ It is true that the salary and esta- 
blishment of the President are framed on a scale of 
severe republican simplicity J" " But," he adds, " on 
the other hand, be it remembered, there are certain 
other civil disbursements, in the shape of salaries, 
from which our monarchical establishment is ex- 
empt. Be it remembered that, besides the two 
Houses of Congress, there are twenty-four local 
Houses of Representatives and twenty-four Senates* 
continually in existence, and during a considerable 

* This is not precisely the case : in Vermont, for instance, 
there is no senate, and the Upper House in New Jersey is styled 
the " Legislative Council ;" but this is immaterial to the general 
argument. 



Ill 



portion of the year in actual session, in the several 
States, &c., &c., and that every one of these delegates 
is paid, — those serving in the general congress re- 
ceiving as much as eight dollars, or about IL l6s. 
per day, during the session, besides a like sum for 
every twenty miles of distance from his residence to 
the seat of congress." In all this information the 
reviewer is generally right, as well as in all the other 
facts taken from the tables appended to Captain 
Hall's Travels*. 

But his mode is quite different of bringing forward 
his proofs of the assertion in the former part of his 

* The manner in which his subsequent calculations are made, 
reminds one of that part of Captain Hall's Travels^, where a cha- 
racteristic conversation is given between a shrewd old Irish settler 
and a land agent : — on asking the old emigrant for information 
about the settlement, he began to suspect some lurking motive 
in these, as he thought^ leading questions — " What shall I say to 
the gentleman, sir?" — ''Why, Cornelius," said the agent, "tell 
the truth." '' O yes, of course, sir, we must always tell the 
truth, but — if I only knew what the gentleman wanted, I would 
know which way to answer — in short, should I overstate matters, 
sir, or should I understate them ? shall I make things appear 
better or rjorse than they are ?" 

It may possibly be recollected by more than one member of 
our own legislature, that there were modes some years ago of 
making out parliamentary calculations, very much upon the 
principle of the Irish emigrant ; — at least, such things have been 
asserted, — and the calculations of the Quarterly remind one 
strongly of this sort of over and under statement. 



112 



remarks, viz., that the expenses of the government 
under the American system nearly equal those of 
Great Britain. He does not calculate the mean 
amount of public charge borne by each individual, 
the mode adopted by Captain Hall, the Revue 
Britannique, Mr. Cooper, and General Bernard, but, 
taking certain parts of the American expenditure, 
compares their gross amount with the corresponding 
items in the English budget. He thus obtains 
624,538/. for the entire civil expenditure of the 
American republic (which v^e shall not at present 
analyse, but allow for the sake of argument to be 
correct). He then turns to statements laid before 
parliament, and finds that our civil list, salaries and 
allowances paid out of the consolidated fund, our 
courts of justice, amount to 1,269,765/. But as 
he says, " these are expenses which ought necessarily 
to bear a direct proportion to population, if not to 
wealth ;" and the population of Great Britain and 
Ireland being about 24,110,125, he, by assuming 
that the expenditure of the Union shall increase jjro 
rato with its population, it follows, that when it 
shall have attained twenty-four millions, " the ex- 
penditure will be fifty-seven thousand pounds more 
than ours !" 

To obtain this singular result, it is true, as the 
Quarterly observes, he has indeed left out the p r- 



lis 

liamentary pensions and annuities, granted for the 
most part in consideration of eminent public 
.S'er«;ec^,y— because, forsooth, there is no corresponding- 
item in this depa7^tment of the American accounts : 
this omission, which many people might be inclined 
to think not wholly unimportant in a comparative 
estimate of the expenditure of the two governments, 
i: subsequently rectified by taking the amount of 
the revolutionary pensions in the United States, 
and by setting them off against the parliamentary 
pensions, he still gets a balance in favour of Ame- 
rica of no more than 166,365/. 

In the first place it must be remarked, that the 
Quarterly, in common with Captain B. Hall, and 
the writer in the Revue Britannique, is wrong with 
respect to the amount of the State expenditure, and 
in consequence all their calculations are wide of the 
triTth : allowing that the mean, taken from the tables 
of Captain Hall, is correct as applied generally (and 
it is far from being so, by reason of the preponderance 
of the richer and more populous States in the cal- 
culation), it seems to have been quite forgotten, 
that a very small part of this nominal amount is 
really a charge upon the tax payers. In almost 
every State a considerable share of the expenditure 
is covered by the interest of different funds ; in many, 
a large portion of the State budget is appropriated to 
internal improvements, which become in their turn 



I 



114 



sources of public revenue*. Such are the great canals 
of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, &c. By making 
the requisite deductions, according to the best in- 
formation that I have been able to obtain, from the 
sums paid throughout the Union to the support of the 
State expenses, I think that something more than 
one shilling sterling (instead of three shillings, ac- 
cording to Captain Hall and the Quarterly) is about 
the amount of the mean charge for State expenditure. 
But this amount cannot, without possessing more 
local information than most foreigners can obtain, 
and devoting much time to the subject, be given 
wdth any accuracy. It will be probably better 
therefore to take the calculations of General Bernard 
and Mr. Cooper as our guide on this head. General 
Bernard takes an average of the expenditure of two 
of the richest and most populous States of the Union, 
viz. New York and Virginia, and thus obtains one 
franc S2 centimes as the maximiun per individual 
of annual charge. By not being aware of the real 
nature of the State budget, the Revue Britannique, 

* Thus in Pennsylvania, for instance, nearly two millions and 
a half are given as the State expenditure ; but it should be ob- 
served, that at the time that Captain Hall alludes to, some 
millions had been employed, in the course of two or three yearSj 
by that State, for making a canal, afterwards to become a profit- 
able source of revenue to the State itself; and consequently the 
two millions and upwards were far from being the true amount of 
the usual State expenditure, and so of other States. 



115 

as well as Captain Hall, and the Quarterly, have 
given totally false estimates of the amount of the 
State expenses. Thus the Revue Britannique, whose 
calculations are principally made from the budget 
of New York, reckons the State expenditure at 
10,179,498 francs, whereas, there is out of this sum 
no more than 1,837,500 francs paid by the inhabit- 
ants of that State. The remainder is paid by the 
interests of the funds belonging to the State, and by 
the receipts of the Erie and Champlain canals, which 
latter alone amount to near 5,000,000 francs. 

Mr. Cooper, himself a citizen of New York, and 
of course more likely to be intimately acquainted 
with the details of the expenditure of this State than 
a foreigner, makes the mean annual charge of each 
inhabitant of New York to be 95 centimes, or within 
one sous of a franc ; and he thinks that this is a fair 
criterion for the amount of the rest of the Union. 
He takes the average real expenditure for five years, 
and estimates it at 350,000 dollars. This amount 
seems very small ; but it must be recollected, that 
although each State is considered as a separate and 
independent government, yet none but the Federal 
government has to defray the expenses of any regular 
armed force ; that they have no naval department, 
and no foreign relations, to keep up. It must also 
be borne in mind, that the large and increasing re- 
venue of the canals, salt works, &c. in proportion as 

T 2 



116 



the mortgages upon the revenues will be paid off, 
will become available in a greater proportion by the 
State, so that upon a moderate valuation, when quite 
unincumbered, the canals, salt works, &c. will pro- 
duce a revenue, in Mr. Cooper's opinion, four times 
greater than the sum required for the expenses of 
the State. It should also be recollected, that in 
comparing the amount of expenditure in the two 
countries, we should take into account the poor-rates, 
county-rates, &c. in England, which will be found, 
at a very moderate computation, much to exceed the 
aggregate of the State expenses of America. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Future financial prospects of the United States. — Military ex- 
penses. — Naval expenses. — Cost of administration of justice. 
— Salaries of the clergy. 

The calculation in the Quarterly that when the 
population of the United States shall equal our own, 
the expenditure will be proportionally increased, is 
not likely to prove correct either in theory or prac- 
tice. The immense extent of territory in the United 
States, the scattered position of many of its inhabit- 
ants, and the nature of its border and southern po- 
pulation, require a vast framework of organization 
both for military and judicial purposes, and an appa- 
rently disproportionate expense ; thus the skeletons 
of the regiments composing their small army are 
made upon a scale that would admit of a considerable 
augmentation with a trifling increase of expense, as 
the staff and officers, as well as the number of clerks 
employed in the war office, and the other parts of the 
military organization, are kept up on a footing that 
would allow of a great increase of effective force 
with little addition to the budget, beyond the pay 
of the additional privates. On this head the opi- 
nion of General Bernard, who for several years filled 
a high military post in the service of the United 
States, is of much weight ; he says, " that the Ame- 



118 

rican army might be increased to 12,000 men (or 
about double its present number) without any sensi- 
ble augmentation in the expenses of the war depart- 
ment at Washington (V administration centrale). 
That the number of privates is reduced as low as 
possible, while the officers are kept up on a scale 
adapted for thrice the effective numerical force ; by 
which means the general expenses are diminished in 
time of peace, and they are prepared with a sufficient 
number of officers on the breaking out of war." 

It may be remarked, that the expenses of the 
military force of the United States, when compared 
with those of many of the European armies, are dis- 
proportionately great, amounting for about 6,000 
men to nearly 21 millions of francs, or about 
4,200,000 dollars. It should be recollected that the 
American soldier is enrolled by voluntary enlistment, 
and the wages of labour in the United States being 
very high, he will of course expect a proportionate 
remuneration for his services. Besides, a sum of 
525,000 francs annually voted for the manufacture 
of musquets and small arms, is included in the 
above estimate, as also the expenses of a formidable 
line of fortifications now in progress, with its artil- 
lery and that of the army'^. In like manner the ex- 

* These fortifications have been carried on^ and, in many in- 
stances completed, under the able superintendence of General 
Bernard. 



119 

penses of the navy department at Washington would 
not materially increase if it became necessary to put 
twice the present number of ships of war in com- 
mission. 

The same necessity exists for a large proportionate 
expense to the Federal government in the admini- 
stration of justice, the framework of which is at pre- 
sent calculated rather upon the extent of territory 
than upon the number of inhabitants, as the organi- 
zation is uniform and general. On this subject Mr. 
Cooper thus expresses himself, " The maintenance of 
order, and the administration of justice, would not 
cost much more, were the population 100 millions, 
than they do at present for less than 14 millions. 
No person is allowed to hold more than one place or 
office, and none of those now employed could be dis- 
pensed with without detriment to the public service. 
It is necessary to support thirty district courts for a 
population of less than 14 millions, whereas, if the 
Union were of no greater extent than France, pro- 
portionally to its number of inhabitants, four courts 
would suffice." 

Allowing for a very natural bias in favour of the 
institutions of his country, it may be probable that 
Mr. Cooper has overrated the economy of the admi- 
nistration of justice, still his observations deserve 
much consideration. 



120 

There is also a charge peculiar to the United States*, 
which is the sum paid to the Indian tribes, and this 
alone amounts to about one-twentieth of the whole 
American budget, and is not likely to increase in the 
same ratio as the population of the country. 

But the errors and misconceptions on all that 
relates to the statistics of the United States in this 
article of the Quarterly, are nowhere more conspi- 
cuous than in that part where the annual expense of 
the clergy is estimated. The reviewer founds his 
calculations upon the statement of Dr. Cooper t, 
from which he estimates the aggregate amount paid 
throughout the Union to the clergy of all sects at 
£3,081,650$ ; and as on the same authority he states 
the number of clergymen to be about 13,000, he 
obtains 237^. 10^. as the average annual stipend of 
each clergyman (1000 dollars, according to Dr. 
Cooper), exclusive of occasional emoluments (" irre- 
gular exactions and fees," &c.). This he contrasts 
with the sum of the tithes in the hands of the clergy 
^' in England, which," he says, " from very satis- 

* The government of our North American colonies have a 
similar item in their expenditure. 

t Dr. Cooper is^ or was, professor at one of the colleges in the 
United States, and is, I believe, no relation of Mr. F. Cooper, 

J The Revue Britannique, not wishing to understate, gives 
as the revenue of the clergy in America 30,000,000 francs, or 
about £1,200,000. 



121 

factory evidence, does not much exceed £2,215,000 ;'* 
and that, " if the tithes were equally divided among 
all the livings ^'^ each clergyman Avould have but 
€^200 ; that by adding the cathedral property, and 
the income of the bishops, you cannot establish an 
aggregate of more than c£2,673,5O0. 

If the accuracy of this statement could be ad- 
mitted, it w^ould at once do away with an objection 
that has been sometimes made to the church system 
in the United States, viz. — that unless the provision 
for the church were compulsory, and its support 
established by law, the clergy would starve. But, 
although I can fully bear witness, as far as my ob- 
servation goes, to the fact that the clergy of the 
Episcopalian and some other forms of worship in 
America are not only respectably maintained, but 
that they, in fact (whatever may be their nominal 
income, or the comparative cheapness of their place 
of residence), live in comfort and competence, and 
that I never either saw or heard of clergymen being 
in want or distressed, so as not to be able to support 
and provide for their families with more than the 
mere necessaries of life ; yet the rate calculated by 
the reviewer is much too high. It is extremely 
difficult to form an accurate estimate of either the 
number of the clergy in the United States or the 
amount of their emoluments. If one were required 
in this country to make out an exact schedule of the 



122 

income enjoyed by the clergy of the established 
church, notwithstanding the assistance afforded by 
the Liber Regalis and the Clerical Guide, it would 
not be easy to get the precise amount of the real 
income of the clergy, including cathedral property, 
Easter offerings, glebes, oblations, dues, pews in the 
church, fees, &c. &c. A proof of the difficulty of 
obtaining a true estimate may be found in the 
various sums at which the revenues of the Anglican 
church have been valued. The Quarterly says 
£2,673,500 in one place, and £3,872,138 in an- 
other*. But other valuations certainly have been 
made, and many published in the various London 
journals, which vary from four to even nine millions 
and more. As it is no part of the object of this 
w^ork to examine into the real amount of the tempo- 
ralities of the church of England, but to show what 
is the probable sum of the income of the clergy in 
the United States, I shall not take any other valuation 
than that of the Quarterly reviewer, certainly not 
likely, from the tenor of his argument, to be exag- 
gerated. 

* Vide Vol. XXIX. of Quarterly Review, p. 555. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Ecclesiastical revenues of the United States. — Valuations of the 
Quarterly of church of England revenues, and those of the 
clergy of America. — Probable real amount of church emolu- 
ments in the United States. 

But if it be not easy to form a correct estimation 
of the revenue of the church of England, what must 
be the difficulty of getting at the true value of all 
the sums appropriated throughout Great Britain and 
Ireland to the support of the clergy of all denomina- 
tions ? In Scotland it would be comparatively easy, 
and in Ireland, as far as the legally established 
church is concerned ; but, to put the question on 
fair grounds, we must include not only the Catholic 
clergy of Ireland, but the Presbyterians, and all the 
dissenters of the United Kingdom. The reviewer 
admits this, with regard to the dissenters, in speak- 
ing of England only, and allows that it might be 
more than sufficient to make up the difference 
between his estimate of the relative amounts of the 
incomes of each clergyman in the two countries, 
i.e., between 2,673,500/.* in England and 3,081,650/. 

* This is the estimate in the 92d vol. of the Quarterly ; that 
in the 29th being above a million more. 



124 

in the United States. It must be remembered, also, 
that in this comparative estimate the church of Ire- 
land, that is to say, the established church, is not 
included, nor is Scotland taken into account ; whereas, 
in the calculation of 13,000 clergymen in the United 
States, all denominations are included in all 'parts 
of that extensive country. 

Thus allowing the correctness of the above esti- 
mate, the annual income of the church, or rather of 
the clergy, in the United States would at once appear to 
be infinitely below that of the clergy of the United 
Kingdom ; and this is to be expected as a matter of 
course, from the totally different circumstances of the 
church in the two countries. In America the clergy 
have no connexion with the government, or with any 
political party, directly or indirectly ; they are not 
magistrates, nor do they take part in any of the 
lighter recreations of society that in this country are 
looked upon as at least harmless amusements. Cler- 
gymen are rarely, if ever, seen either at a ball or party ; 
nor do they mix much in general and large com- 
panies, unless when brought together for the pro- 
motion of some charitable measure, or some asso- 
ciation connected with their religious duties. It is 
not intended to institute a comparison between the 
habits and principles of the American clergy and 
those of the Church of England, but to mention facts 
that account for their total difference of position in 



125 

social and political life. Indeed, the difference of 
feeling in the two countries is so great, that if a 
clergyman were, in most parts of the United States, 
to be seen at a theatre, at a dance, or to join a card 
party, he would certainly fall in the esteem and opi- 
nion of his flock ; but if he were to become habitually 
a frequenter of balls, plays, &c. or be tempted to be- 
come a sportsman or fox-hunter, he certainly would 
not long continue to fill the station of pastor to any 
congregation. I do not pretend to give any opinion 
as to the comparative merits of the two systems, nor 
is either censure or approbation implied of the severity 
of public opinion in America on this subject. These 
facts, however, joined to the absence of all political 
or worldly dignities in the ecclesiastical body in the 
United States, render large incomes quite unneces* 
sary to the clergy of that country ; and the assertion, 
therefore, of the mean amount of their emoluments 
being greater than, or nearly equal to, that of the 
clergymen of England, is the more surprising. 

On examination, however, I think that there will 
be found little reason to suppose this to be the case. 
The Quarterly takes Dr. Cooper's estimate as its 
guide, and thus finds that the aggregate of the sala- 
ries of the clergy in the United States is 3,081,650/. 
inasmuch as there are 13,000 clergymen, at 1,000 
dollars, or 237/. 10.^. each. But this valuation is so 
extremely exaggerated in its amount, that one is at 



126 

a loss to conceive how it can have been made from 
any authentic data. The Revue Britannique, judging 
by Williams's Register, published at New York, and 
one of the best authorities for that city of the salaries 
of the clergy, makes the w^hole amount of clerical in- 
come in the United States about 1,200,000/., which, 
although less than half the sum given by the Quar- 
terly, is still probably much more than the real 
amount, as in many parts of the Union the expenses 
of the clergy by no means equal those in the state of 
New York. 

But to enable those who are unacquainted with 
the ecclesiastical affairs of America to form an opinion 
on this question, it will be necessary to mention a 
few circumstances peculiar to the clergy of the United 
States. 

With respect to the ministers of religion, no le- 
gislative provision is made in any of the states, or by 
the general government, for their support. It is left 
entirely to the voluntary acts of individuals, and the 
good-will of the congregations of the different sects 
and denominations ; excepting, however, that in the 
state of Massachusetts, the constitution compels all 
citizens to belong to some religious society, or to pay 
for the support of some religious teacher, leaving 
them to contribute to whatever society or denomina- 
tion they may choose. 

From a list of the ministers of different denomina- 



1^7 

tions to be found in the Appendix, it appears that 
the number of clergymen is 10,120 ; by another enu- 
meration they are made to amount to no more than 
8,520. But let us avoid the possibility of under- 
rating the number of ministers of religion paid by 
the people of the United States, including the licen- 
tiates as well as the ministers. It must also be re- 
collected, that among the Methodists there are many 
whose ministers are not allowed to reside more 
than two years in any one place, and part of whose 
church discipline it is to be continually travelling 
and preaching in all parts of the Union, indeed it 
may be said in all parts of the world, for from some 
of these I believe are generally taken the mission- 
aries who proceed to the islands of the Pacific, to 
New Zealand, &c. to preach the Gospel. The ex- 
treme difficulty, therefore, of coming to any very 
accurate estimate of their number is apparent. These 
ministers receive m money but about sixty dollars, or 
about 12/. or 13/. annually, if unmarried, or about 
twice that sum when married, and therefore practise 
very literally the scriptural injunction — " Lay not up 
for yourselves treasure upon earth ;" but it is true 
that their support is not wholly provided for by this 
stipend, as during their progress through the country 
they are generally received into the families of some of 
those belonging to their congregations, among whom 
are always found persons able and willing to exercise 



128 



their hospitality towards the clergy of their church. 
There is a hierarchy of this denomination, and there 
are others who are not Episcopalians. 

In 18,^0 there were in New York 1382 clergymen, 
according to Williams's Register ; of these, there was 
perhaps not one whose annual income would exceed 
1000/., few with more than 500/.; and I should 
think, from all the authorities that I have been able 
to consult, that 100/. per annum would be rather 
more than the average salary of each clergyman ; 
and in that state the clergy are probably paid 
higher than in any other. It is difficult to ascertain 
with certainty the existence of a greater number of 
clergymen than from 8,500 to 10,100, throughout 
the Union;— but allow it to be 10,200, or even 
11,000 (and this amount will certainly be more 
than can be proved), and we obtain 1,100,000/. as 
the total amount of church income in America ; and 
this, I think, is much more than the true sum. 
Possibly Dr. Cooper reckons the preachers of those 
sects, among whom there is no regular clergy, but 
where one of the congregation occasionally officiates, 
although possibly a mechanic or farmer, or person 
engaged in any other employment or trade; of 
whom there are, I believe, many in Great Britain ; — 
but it should be recollected that these men receive 
no salary as clergymen, and therefore cannot be in- 
cluded in the estimate. 



129 

But Mr. F. Cooper makes a lower calculation than 
that given above. His remarks on this subject 
deserve attention. In speaking of the clergy of 
New York, he says, " Their emoluments are de- 
rived from two sources, the revenues belonging to 
certain churches, and voluntary contributions. The 
greater portion of the higher stipends (I allude to 
those amounting to from eight to twenty thovisand 
francs, and their number is very limited), are the 
proceeds of estates or property enjoyed by the 
clergymen, or arise from the rent of pews and 
sittings in the places of worship ; the smaller 
salaries are paid by means of subscriptions raised 
for that object. According to Williams, there were 
in 1830 in New York 1382 ecclesiastics, having 
each their church. We should much exceed the 
real amount, if we allow that each of these receives 
on the average 400 dollars, or about eighty to 
eighty-five pounds. Of the whole number, 400 are 
method ists, who do not receive, as I know from 
good authority, more than 300 dollars ; and 600 
dollars are considered a very good salary in a country 
of some importance. I recollect that the principal 
minister of Cooperstown, which is the capital of a 
county, received but the latter sum, which was de- 
frayed solely by the rent of seats. Therefore, in 
allowing 400 dollars as the salary of an ecclesiastic 
in New York, we are above the real average. He 

K 



130 



goes on to say — " Funerals cost nothing ; prayers 
for the living or the dead are gratuitous ; the same 
is the case for baptisms and marriages. Any priest 
who should refuse to perform any of these duties 
without payment^ would run a great risk of losing 
his living. It is the custom to make an offering to 
the priest who has performed the marriage ceremony, 
but it is quite voluntary. And a small number of 
wealthy people make presents also on the occurrence 
of a christening or baptism ; but the greater number 
of Americans regard donations on such occasions 
with a religious horror. They consider it as an 
attempt to corrupt Heaven. In town, gloves and 
scarfs are given to the priests, as well as to the 
physicians and the bearers, by a few families, at 
funeral ceremonies ; but we are so far from thinking 
it necessary to pay an ecclesiastic for a funeral, that 
for my own part, although accustomed to the habits 
of other countries, / retain for this practice a 
feeling of profound aversion. In a word, a priest 
in America is considered as a minister of God. He 
is paid that he may exist ; but no one is of opinion 
that those who do not pay him have less right to 
his ministry than those who do *." 

* I regret that I cannot give Mr. Cooper's own words, as it is 
only from the French published translation of that gentleman's 
Letter that the above citation is made, and it is very probable 



131 

It will be seen from the foregoing extract from 
Mr. Cooper's Letter, that he estimates the eccle- 
siastical expenses at about one fifth lower than I 
have reckoned them (1,100,000/.); but even allowing 
the higher valuation, there is a difference of nearly 
two millions sterling in the amount, as given by the 
Quarterly. The Reviewer's valuation of the amount 
of the ecclesiastical revenue in England has nothing 
to do with the present object, which is not to institute 
a comparison between the English and American 
church revenue. But it must be evident that, judging 
by the returns for the county of Lancaster, which 
have been published, it seems inconceivably below the 
real amount. The amount of church property m 
the hands of cliurchmen in that county alone greatly 
exceeding the whole sum allowed by him for the 
cathedral property of all England. 

The gross amount of the property for the county 
of Lancaster is upwards of three millions per annum ; 
and it is perhaps not one of the least objections to 
the church system in England, that a great part of 
the large sums nominally paid for its support, are, in 
fact, nothing more than a species of lay property, 
often passing from hand to hand, and unconnected 
with any benefit to the ministry of religion, except- 



that justice is not done to tlie style of that author in my re- 
translation. 

K ^ 



132 

irig that the onus (and it may be added odium, with 
at least the unreflecting and uninformed * part of 
the community) of levying and realizing the sums, 
falls to the share of the church. 

From what has been shown, then, it will be clear 
that we rather overrate the account of church reve- 
nues in the United States by estimating them at 
£1,100,000; while, if we take the whole income of 
the established church of Great Britain and Ireland, 
the support of the clergy in Scotland, and that of the 
Roman catholics, and of all the various sects of dis- 
senters throughout the United Kingdom, 12 millions 
will be a very low valuation. 

This is the only fair mode of comparing the eccle- 
siastical expenditure of the two countries t. 



* There can be no greater proof of the difficulty of obtaining 
a true estimate of the income of the clergy of the church of Eng- 
land than the valuations to be found in the Quarterly itself. Let 
us take but two instances. In the article " Progress of Mis- 
government/' No. 92, we find the church revenues calculated at 
about £200 per annum for each clergyman, and an aggregate, 
with cathedral property, of £2,673,500. But^ referring to No. 
58 (Vol. XXIX. p. 556, et seq.),wQ find the total revenue of the 
established church £3,872,138 ! and that of the parochial clergy 
£3,447438, or, for each clergyman, £303 annually. While in 
the church of Scotland each living is valued at £275, and the 
aggregate £263,340. 

t Much has been said lately about a " free trade in religion." 
If this phrase have any meaning as applied to the United States, 
I am at a loss to discover it. There are few countries where 



133 

there is less of trade or pecuniary considerations in connexion 
with the ministers of religion than America. Livings can neither 
be bought nor sold^, nor money received on account of the church, 
but by individuals performing certain duties^, for which_, in the 
opinion of those who benefit by their ministry, they are supposed 
most eligible. It would be a great mistake to suppose that even 
the mere external demonstrations of deep respect for religious 
ordinances are not observable in most parts of the United States. 
In a great many States there is annually a fast day proclaimed 
by the governor of the State, and its observance neither meets 
with the animadversion, nor the opposition that similar proclama- 
tions have been met with in this country. The general respect 
for the ordinances of the sabbath is also at least as great, (except, 
I am informed, in the southern extremity of the Union,) as in 
any country with which I am acquainted. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Expenses of administration of justice. — Of state judiciaries. — 
Some account of public lands, and future intentions with 
regard to them. 

With respect to the expenses of the administra- 
tion of justice, called in the United States " the ju- 
diciary," the Quarterly speaks only in general terms, 
but asserts that to the country at large it is probably 
more costly than " to any other in the world !" Ac- 
knowledging, however, that he knows of no data 
sufficiently accurate from which to state the propor- 
tions which the expenses of this department bear to 
each other in the two countries respectively; at least 
not with the '' same precision'' as in the cases of the 
civil and ecclesiastical department. 

In the Appendix will be found a table which may 
assist in forming an estimate of the amount of the 
expenses of the state "judiciaries," in which are in- 
cluded the salaries of chief justice, judges, attorneys 
and solicitors-general, reporters, municipal-courts, 
police-courts, &c. as complete as it has been in my 
power to make it at present, by which it appears 
that the average annual expense to the country for 
the state judiciary is about 395,866 dollars. If we 



135 

allow 90,000Z. for this item, it will certainly not be 
underrating it. 

Although the magistrates are paid by fees, yet they 
are so low, that we may very safely estimate the 
usual fees of clerks of the peace and petty law-officers 
in this country, as being more than equivalent to 
them. 

The principal sources of revenue in the United 
States, are the imports, the public lands, and bank 
dividends. But the first named alone will be sufficient 
to meet all the expenditure, even after the sale of 
bank- stock proposed by the present secretary of the 
treasury, and without the sums hitherto derived from 
the sale of public lands. 

Among the less prominent sources of revenue of 
the United States, there are some that deserve notice 
from their daily increasing importance, if not from 
their present value. The gold mines, the sugar 
plantations, the cultivation of vineyards, and the 
production of silk manufactures, &c. are worthy of 
attention in forming an estimate of the financial 
prospects of the United States. 

The public lands were very early looked to as a 
source of revenue to the country. As early as 1776, 
Silas Deane, then a political and commercial agent of 
the United States in France, communicated to con- 
gress a plan for the sale and settlement of the terri- 
tory north-west of the Ohio; and, as has been already 



136 

observed, the calculations of the future value of this 
region formed the first great subject of collision be- 
tween the several states of the confederacy. It was, 
however, a long time before an effective system was 
devised, by which the lands could be thrown open to 
settlement, or made available for the purpose of 
revenue. 

Bounty-lands having been promised by the conti- 
nental congress to the officers and soldiers of the 
continental army, it became necessary to redeem that 
pledge as early as possible. The controversies between 
the several states, and between them and the United 
States, retarded for some time the fulfilment of this 
pledge. On the 20th May, 1785, an ordinance was 
passed by the congress of the confederation, for ascer- 
taining the mode of disposing of lands in the western 
territory, and this was the first act of general legisla- 
tion on the subject. This act may be found in the 
new edition of the Land Laws, page 349. Under 
it very limited sales Avere made, not amounting, in 
the whole, to more than 121,540 acres. 

Subsequently different sales were effected in pro- 
portion as lands were ceded to the United States by 
any of the individual states. Pennsylvania became 
a purchaser, and the Ohio Land Company also be- 
came large buyers to the amount of two millions of 
acres, afterwards reduced by agreement to one mil- 
lion ; they paid two-thirds of a dollar per acre. This 



137 

company originated in Massachusetts, and commenced 
the settlement of Ohio (then an uninhabited wilder- 
ness) in 1788, it now supports a population of about 
1,000,000. Another sale was effected by an indi- 
vidual, named J. Symmes, of between 2 and 300,000 
acres. He succeeded perfectly in settling the terri- 
tory north-west of the Ohio. 

But it was not till 1802 that the many and trou- 
blesome controversies that took place between the 
general government and the different states on the 
subject of the public lands were amicably adjusted. 
North Carolina ceded to the United States the tract 
of country now forming the state of Tennessee, in 
1789 ; and Georgia, after much embarrassing dis- 
cussion, was the last to enter into the arrangement 
with the United States, by ceding that territory, now 
forming the states of Alabama and Mississippi ; the 
United States contracting to extinguish the Indian 
title to lands within the limits of Georgia, *' as soon 
as it could be done peaceably, and on reasonable 
terms." 

Some account of the mode in which the public lands 
ate disposed of in the United States may not be un- 
interesting at a moment when emigration is hourly 
increasing to our American colonies and the United 
States. 

On the 10th of May, 1800, an act of Congress 
was passed, laying the foundation of the land system 



138 

as it now exists. It has received several modifications 
at subsequent periods, two of which are of great im- 
portance, and will presently be stated. 

Under this law, the substantial features of the 
land system of the United States are the following : 

All the lands, before they are offered for sale, ai^e 
surveyed on a rigidly accurate plan, at the expense 
of the government. This is the corner-stone of the 
system. In this consists its great improvement upon 
the land-system of Virginia, according to which war- 
rants were granted to those entitled to receive them, 
for tracts of un surveyed public land. These war- 
rants might be located on any land not previously 
appropriated. In the absence of geometrical surveys, 
it was difficult, by natural boundaries, Indian paths, 
and buffalo traces, to identify the spots appropriated ; 
the consequence was, that numerous warrants were 
laid on the same tract, conflicting claims arose, and 
the land titles of the country were brought into a 
state of the most perplexing and injurious embar- 
rassment. The state of Kentucky, and that portion 
of Ohio, allotted as bounty-lands to the Virginia 
troops, have constituted one great theatre of litiga- 
tion from their first settlement. On the other hand, 
land titles acquired under the system of the United 
States, are almost wholly exempt from controversies 
arising from uncertainty of location or boundary. 

The surveys of the public lands of the United 



139 

States are founded upon a series of true meridians. 
The first principal meridian is in Ohio, the second in 
Indiana, the third in Illinois, &c., each forming the 
base of a series of surveys, of which the lines are 
made to correspond, so that the whole country is at 
last divided into squares of one mile each, and town- 
ships of six miles each ; and these subdivisions are 
distributed with mathematical accuracy into parallel 
ranges. The greatest division of land marked out 
by the survey is called a township, and contains 
23,040 acres, being six English or American square 
miles. The township is subdivided into thirty-six 
equal portions or square miles, by lines crossing each 
other at right angles; these portions are called sections. 
The section contains 640 acres, and is subdivided 
into four parts, called quarter sections, each of which, 
of course, contains 160 acres. The quarter sections 
are finally divided into two parts, called half quarter 
sections, of eighty acres each, and this is the smallest 
regular subdivision known to the system. The sec- 
tional and quarter sectional divisions are designated 
by appropriate marks in the field, which are of a 
character to be easily distinguished from each other. 
The half quarter sections are not marked in the field, 
but are designated on the plan* or map of the survey, 
by the surveyor-general marking the distance on one 
of the ascertained lines, in order to get the quantity of 

* Termed ^' plot" in the American authority. 



140 



such half quarter sections as exhibited by his plan of 
survey. The fractional sections, which contain less 
than 160 acres, are not subdivided : the fractional 
sections, which contain I6O acres and upwards, are 
subdivided in such manner as to preserve the most 
compact and convenient forms. 

A series of contiguous townships, laid off from 
north to south, is called a range. The ranges are 
numbered north and south from the base or standing 
line running due east and west. They are counted 
from the standard meridian east and west. 

The dividing lines of the sections, of course, run 
by the cardinal points, except where what is called a 
fractional section is created by a navigable river or 
an Indian boundary. The superintendence of the 
surveys is committed to five surveyors-general. One 
thirty-sixth part of all the lands surveyed, being sec- 
tion number sixteen in each township, is reserved from 
sale, for the support of schools in the township, and 
other reservations have been made for colleges and 
universities. All salt springs and lead mines are also 
reserved, and are subject to be leased under the di- 
rection of the President of the United States. When- 
ever the public interest is supposed to require that a 
certain portion of territory should be brought into 
market, for the accommodation of settlers or others 
who may wish to become purchasers, the President 
issues instructions to the surveyor-general, through 
the commissioner of the general land office, at Wash- 



141 



ington, to have such portion of territory surveyeda 
The surveyor-general makes this requisition pub- 
licly known to those individuals, who are in the habit 
of contracting for public surveys ; and a contract for 
the execution of the surveys required is entered into 
between the surveyor-general and deputy surveyors. 
The contract is given to the lowest bidder, provided 
the surveyor-general be fully satisfied of his capacity 
to fulfil the contract. The maximum price esta- 
blished by law for executing the public surveys is three 
dollars a mile, in the upland and prairie countries. In 
the southern parts of the United States, where the 
surveys are rendered difficult by the occurrence of 
hayous, lakes, swamps, and cane-brakes, the maximum 
price established by law is four dollars a mile. 

The deputy surveyors are bound by their contract 
to report to the surveyor-general the field-notes of 
the survey of each township, together with a plot of 
the township. From these field-notes the surveyor- 
general is enabled to try the accuracy of the plot 
returned by the deputy surveyor, and of the calcula- 
tions of the quantity in the legal subdivisions of the 
tract surveyed. From these documents three plans 
or maps are caused to be prepared by the surveyor- 
general ; one for his own office ; one for the register 
of the proper land office, to guide him in the sale of 
the land ; and the third for the commissioner of the 
general land office at Washington. The government 



142 

has generally found it expedient to authorize the 
surveying of forty townships of land annually, in 
each land district, so as to admit of two sales by 
public auction annually, of twenty townships each. 

The general land office at Washington is under 
the superintendence of an officer called commissioner 
of the general land office. It is subordinate to the 
treasury department. 

The public lands are laid off into districts, in each 
of which there is a land office, under the superin- 
tendence of two officers, appointed by the President 
and Senate, called the register of the land office, and 
the receiver of public moneys. There are at present 
forty- two land officers. The register and the receiver 
each receive a salary of five hundred dollars pe?' 
annum, and a commission of one per cent, on the 
moneys paid into their office. 

Till 1820 a credit was allowed on all purchases of 
public lands : in consequence of this system, large 
quantities of land had been purchased on specula- 
tion ; and also in the ordinary course of purchases a 
vast amount of land-debt to the government had been 
contracted. To relieve the embarrassed condition of 
these debtors, an act was passed, authorizing the re- 
linquishment of lands purchased, and substituting 
cash payments for the credit system. The most be- 
neficial effects have resulted from this change, apart 
from the relief of those, who were indebted to the 



143 

government : at the same time the minimum price of 
the land was reduced from two dollars to one dollar 
and 25 cents an acre. In the first instance the 
public lands are offered for sale, under proclamations 
of the President, by public auction, with the limita- 
tion of the minimum rate. Lands not thus sold are 
afterwards subject to entry, at private sale, and at 
the minimum j^rice. 

A very large amount of public land is in the 
occupation of persons who have settled upon it 
without title. This is frequently done, in conse- 
quence of unavoidable delays in bringing the land 
into market, and not from any intention, on the part 
of the settler, to delay payment. Laws have been 
passed granting to settlers of this description a pre- 
emptive right in the acquisition of a title ; that is, 
the preference over all other persons, in entering the 
land, at private sale. These laws afford the actual 
settler no protection against those who might choose 
to over- bid him at the public sales ; but it is 
believed that in most cases, by mutual agreement 
among purchasers, the actual settler is enabled to 
obtain his land, even at public sale, at the minimum 
price. It is stated, however, that great injury is 
done to the settlers by combinations of land specu- 
lators, who infest the public sales, purchasing the 
lands at the minimum price, and compelling hona 
fide settlers to take them at an enhanced valuation. 



144 

Should the settler refuse such an agreement, the 
speculators enter into competition with him at the 
sale. On the whole, it would appear that, on an 
average, the government obtains but the minimum 
price for its lands, although the quantity actually 
sold and occupied, being the choice of the whole 
quantity brought into market, is of course worth 
much more. 

It has been suggested, and with an appearance of 
justice, that the price of the public lands is too high. 
The government, having already reimbursed itself 
for the cost of them, cannot be considered as having 
any other duty to perform than to promote their 
settlement as rapidly as it can take place by a 
healthy process, and to meet the wishes of all who 
desire hond fide to occupy them. Considering the 
class of men most likely to take the lead in settling 
a new country, one hundred dollars (the price of a 
half-quarter section), paid in cash to the government, 
is a tax too heavy, perhaps, for the privilege of taking 
up a farm in an unimproved wilderness. The price 
is already too low to oppose a serious obstacle to spe- 
culation : a considerable reduction of it would not, 
probably, increase that evil, while it. would essentially 
relieve the hona fide settler. There would in fact, 
perhaps, be little else to object to a plan of gratuitous 
donation of a half-quarter section to actual settlers, 
than the comparative injustice of such a plan towards 



145 

those settlers who have already purchased their 
farms. 

A novel and singular claim has been set up in 
some of the new States to the entire property of the 
public lands within their limits. The nature of this 
work does not require an examination of this claim ; 
to enforce which no attempt has as yet been practically 
made. 

It ought to be observed, that five per cent, on all 
the sales of public lands within the States severally is 
reserved ; three-fifths of which are to be expended by 
Congress, in making roads leading to the States ; 
and two-fifths to be expended by the States, in the 
encouragement of learning. The first part of this 
reservation has been expended on the Cumberland 
Road ; and the treasury of the United States is 
greatly in advance to that fund, on account of this 
public work. 

The total number of acres belonging to the 
United States is 1,062,463,171. 

But the mode of disposing of the public lands, 
if their sale for the jyrofit of the government he 
dispensed with^ may give rise to much difficulty, in 
seeking to reconcile the interests of the United States 
with those of each of the States of the Union. On 
this important point, Mr. M*Lane, with his usual 
ability, thus observes : — 

" It must be admitted that the public lands were 

L 



146 

ceded by the States, or subsequently acquired by 
the United States, for the common benefit ; and that 
each State has an interest in their proceeds of which 
it cannot be justly deprived. Over this part of the 
public property the powers of the general govern- 
ment have been uniformly supposed to have a pecu- 
liarly extensive scope, and have been construed to 
authorise their application to purposes of education 
and improvement to which other branches of revenue 
were not deemed applicable. It is not practicable to 
keep the public lands out of the market; and the 
present mode of disposing of them is not believed to 
be the most profitable, either to the general govern- 
ment or to the States ; and must be expected, when 
the proceeds shall be no longer required for the public 
debt, to give rise to new and more serious objections." 
" Under these circumstances, it is submitted to the 
wisdom of Congress to decide upon the propriety of 
disposing of all the public lands, in the aggregate, 
to those States, within whose territorial limits they 
lie, at a fair price, to be settled in such manner as 
might be satisfactory to all. The aggregate price of 
the whole may then be apportioned among the several 
States of the Union, according to such equitable ratio 
as may be consistent wdth the objects of the original 
cession ; and the proportion of each may be paid or 
secured directly to the others by the respective States 
purchasing the land. All cause of diflficulty with the 



147 

general government, on this subject, would then be 
removed ; and no doubt can be entertained, that, by- 
means of stock issued by the buying States, bearing 
a moderate interest, and which, in consequence of 
the reimbursement of the public debt, would acquire 
a great value, they would be able at once to pay the 
amount upon advantageous terms. It may not be 
unreasonable also to expect, that the obligation to pay 
the annual interest upon the stock thus created, would 
diminish the motive for selling the lands at prices 
calculated to impair the greater value of that kind 
of property." 

" It is believed, moreover, that the interests of the 
several States would be better promoted by such a 
disposition of the public domain, than by sales in 
the mode hitherto adopted ; and it would, at once, 
place at the disposal of all the States of the Union, 
upon fair terms, a fund for the purposes of education 
and improvement, of inestimable benefit to the future 
prosperity of the nation." — See Report on the Finances 
of the United States, of Dec. 1831. 

The above details, principally from the American 

almanac are compiled from and collated with the 

Land Laws published by congress; Report from the 

Treasury to the Senate of the United States, February, 

1827; Report of a Select Committee of the House of 

Representatives of the United States, 1829 ; North 

American Review; American Quarterly; Seybert's 

Statistics, &:c. &c. 

L 2 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Gold Mines.— Mint. 

Gold has hitherto, I believe, been discovered only 
in North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia and 
Georgia, at least in any quantity. 

The first notice of gold, from North Carolina, on 
the records of the Mint, occurs in the year 1814, 
during which it was received to the amount of 
11,000 dollars. It continued to be received during 
the succeeding years, until 1824 inclusive, in dif- 
ferent quantities, but all inferior to that of 1814, 
and on an average not exceeding 2,500 dollars a 
year. In 1825, the amount received was 17,000 
dollars; in 1826, 20,000 dollars; in 1827, about 
21,000 dollars ; in 1828, nearly 46,000 dollars ; and 
in 1829, 128,000 dollars*. 

In 1825, there was published in the " American 
Journal of Science and the Arts," an account of these 
mines by Professor Olmsted, who estimated the gold 
country at only 1,000 square miles ; but it has since 
been found to be vastly more extensive ; and a suc- 
cession of gold mines has been discovered in the 

* Vide American Journal of Science and the Arts. 



149 

country lying to the east of the Blue Ridge, extend- 
ing from the vicinity of the river Potomac into the 
State of Alabama. These mines are now wrought, 
to a greater or less extent, in the states of Virginia, 
North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. 

In an account of a Tour in North Carolina, pub- 
lished in a New York Journal, there is mention 
made of the gold mines. From this writer we learn 
that the State is rich in gold mines. The gold is 
far more extensive in that State than is generally 
supposed ; it commences in Virginia, and extends 
south-west through North Carolina, nearly in the 
middle of the State as regards its length ; along the 
northern part of South Carolina into Georgia, and 
thence north-westwardly into Alabama, and ends in 
Tennessee. The mines in North Carolina and 
Georgia are now worked to a great extent ; those 
of Virginia and South Carolina to a small extent ; 
and those in Tennessee have not been worked at 
all, although it is probable that they will be soon. 
In this State, the counties of Burke and Rutherford 
contain the best gold washings, as they are called ; 
that is, the gold there is found in small and pure 
particles mixed with the sand, which lies in deposits, 
as if it occupied (as the miners believe) the beds of 
what were once streams of water, creeks, rivers, &c. 
The gold is there obtained by washing away the 
sand, and it is a simple process. But the counties of 



150 



Mecklenburg, Rowan, Davidson, and Cabarras, are 
the richest in what may be properly called gold 
mines ; that is, where the gold is found in ore, and 
not distinguishable by the eye, and which is separated 
by smelting, using quicksilver for the purpose of de- 
taching the gold from the gross earthy substances. 
This is done by first pounding the ore (what the 
miners call stamping it), then grinding it, mixed 
with the quicksilver, to a fine powder (like flour), and 
afterwards distilling the whole in an alembic, which 
separates the quicksilver from the gold. This part 
of the business is simple and easy ; but to become an 
expert and skilful 7niner, to detect gold in the ore 
with certainty, and to know how to conduct, if I 
may say so, the perforations, that is, sinking shafts 
(like wells), and forming and fortifying galleries or 
horizontal perforations to reach the veins, &c. re- 
quires great ingenuity as well as experience. 

The best veins of gold are not horizontal, nor 
often vertical, but have a dip of forty-five degrees to 
the horizon. They vary in width from a few inches 
to several feet. They are not confined to hills at 
all, but are found also in the low lands. These 
veins are often parallel to each other at unequal 
distances. Their depth in most places has not been 
ascertained. There have been no shafts sunk lower 
than one hundred and twenty feet. In some of the 
mines the galleries, or lateral perforations (or arched 



151 

entries, as they may be called), extend a great 
distance in various directions from the main shafts, 
and so reach the veins. They are usually about 
twenty feet, one above another, which enables the 
miners to work with the greatest advantage. 

These mines have not been worked to any con- 
siderable extent for more than about five or six 
years, or probably much less. And yet many of 
them are worked upon an extensive scale, and mills 
for grinding the ore, propelled by water or by steam, 
are erected in vast numbers. The company of 
Messrs. Bissels, which is one of the most con- 
siderable, employs about 600 hands. The whole 
number of men now employed at the mines in these 
southern States is at least 20,000. The weekly 
value of these mines is estimated at 100,000 dollars, 
or more than one million sterling annually. But a 
small part of the gold is sent to the United States' 
mint. By far the larger part is sent to Europe, 
particularly to Paris. 

Of the working miners the greater number are 
foreigners — Germans, Swiss, Swedes, Spaniards, En- 
glish, Welsh, Scotch, &c. There are no less than 
thirteen different languages spoken at the mines in 
this State ! And men are flocking to the mines from 
all parts, and find ready employment. Hundreds of 
land- owners and renters work the mines on their 
grounds on a small scale, not being able to en- 



152 



counter the expense of much machinery. The 
state of morals among the miners or labourers is 
represented to be deplorably bad. This may be 
attributed to the absence of any general organization 
as yet for the police and regulation of the mines, 
combined with the usual effects of gold upon the 
uneducated and needy classes of men (often not the 
most favourable specimens of their various nations), 
who generally seek employment in the gold districts. 
The village of Charlotte, in Mecklenburg county, is 
in the immediate vicinity of several of the largest 
mines. It is increasing rapidly. 

One interesting fact deserves mention : — when 
speaking of the gold mines, there are indubitable 
evidences that these mines were known and worked 
by the aboriginal inhabitants, or some other people, 
at a remote period. Many pieces of machinery 
which were used for this purpose have been found. 
Among them are several crucibles of earthenware, 
and far better than those now in use. Messrs. 
Bissels had tried three of them, and found that 
they lasted twice or three times as long as even the 
Hessian crucibles, which are the best now made. 
It is to be regretted that some antiquarian has not 
had an opportunity of at least examining these 
curious relics ; and it is hoped that they will be 
preserved in future, notwithstanding the temptation 
offered by their superior qualities. 



153 



These gold mines prove that the whole region 
in which they abound was once under the powerful 
action of fire. And it is a fact, not generally 
known, that the miners who have come from the 
mines in South America and in Europe, pronounce 
this region to be more abundant in gold than any 
other that has been found on the globe. There is 
no telling the extent of these mines ; but sufficient 
is known to prove they are of vast extent. 

It is not easy to ascertain the number of mines 
which are now opened ; it is, however, very great, 
and constantly increasing. These mining establish- 
ments are of every variety as to extent of operations. 
There is a vast amount of capital invested by the 
different companies which are now embarked in this 
business. A large portion of this capital belongs to 
foreigners. 

Since the year 1827, the gold mines of Virginia 
have also attracted considerable attention. The belt 
of country in which they are found extends through 
Spotsylvania and some neighbouring counties. The 
gold region abounds in quartz, which contains cubes 
of sulphuret of iron. These cubes are often partly 
or totally decomposed, and the cells thus created are 
sometimes filled with gold. The gold is found on 
the surface, and in the structure of quartz ; but in 
greatest abundance resting upon slate, and in its 
fissures. The gold is diffused over large surfaces^ and 



154 

has not yet been found sufficiently in mass, except in 
a few places, to make mining profitable. The method 
of obtaining the metal is by filtration, or washing 
the earth, and by an amalgam of quicksilver. The 
average value of the earth yielding gold is stated at 
20 cents a bushel. 

In the annual report for 1829, the progressive 
development of the gold region of the United States 
was illustrated by referring to the increase of the 
annual receipts from North Carolina, which, pre- 
vious to 1824, had been inconsiderable, but from 
that year to 1829? inclusive, had advanced from 5,000 
dollars to 128,000 dollars ; and also to the then novel 
occurrence of gold having been received at the mint 
from Virginia and South Carolina, about 2,500 dol- 
lars having been received from the former and 3,500 
dollars from the latter. The year 1830 exhibits, in 
relation to all these States, a conspicuous increase in 
the production of gold, and presents also the remark- 
able fact of 212,000 dollars in gold received from 
Georgia, from which State no specimen thereof had 
been received at the mint in any previous year. 

The following statement, taken from the report of 
the director of the mint, January 1, 1831, will show 
the amount of gold received from the different states, 
as well as that from other countries, in the course of 
the year 1830. 



155 



The coinage, during the year 1830, amounted to 





DoUars. 




Gold coins 


643,105 




Silver ditto 


. 2,495,400 




Copper 


17,115 






Total . 3,155,620 




The description of 


coins was as follows ; 


DoUai-s. 


Half eagles 


126,351 making 


631,755 


Quarter eagles 


4,540 


11,350 


Half dollars 


. 4,764,800 


2,382,400 


Dimes 


510,000 


51,000 


Half dimes 


. 1,240,000 


62,000 


Cents 


. 1,711.500 


17415 


Total number of pieces 


. 8,357,191 Total 3,155,620 



Of the gold coined in the course of 1830, there 
was imported from 

DoUars. 



Mexico i 

South America V about 
West Indies ^ 
Africa 

United States 
Sources not ascertained 


125,000 

19,000 

466,000 
33,000 


Total 


643,000 



Of the gold found in the United States, amounting 



156 

in value to about 100,000/. sterling, mentioned in 
the foregoing statement, there came from 

Dollars. 
Georgia, about . . 212,000 

North Carolina . . 204,000 

South Carolina . . 26,000 

Virginia . . . 24,000 

Total produce in the United States 466,000 



I- 



I 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

Cultivation of sugar in Louisiana. — Florida. — Slavery. 

The whole produce of sugar in Louisiana, in the 
year 1828, has been stated at 88,878 hogsheads of 
1,000 pounds each. The number of sugar estates 
above 700, and the capital invested in them about 
forty-five millions of dollars ; but every year the in- 
creasing investments, and more than proportionate 
increase in the quantity of sugar made, renders this 
estimate but of little use at the present moment. 

In Florida, also, the cultivation of sugar has made 
great progress. I am indebted to the kindness of 
M. Achille Murat* for the following details on the 
sugar cultivation of Florida ; but I have no means 
at present of ascertaining the amount of capital now 
invested in the cultivation of the cane in that State. 

It would appear quite certain that in Florida, with 
a very moderate capital and some prudence and 
activity, a very large return is to be obtained for 
money invested in sugar plantations ; and, with 

* M. Achille Murat, it may be recollected, left Europe some 
years ago, and purchased land in Florida. He has become an 
adopted citizen of the United States, where his merit and abili- 
ties are duly appreciated. 



158 

perseverance, a large fortune may be realized with 
comparative certainty. The cultivation of sugar in 
that State is as yet in its infancy ; but a European 
can with difficulty imagine the rapidity with which 
improvements take place in the United States gene- 
rally ; and where the cultivation of the south suc- 
ceeds, the profits are still more encouraging than in 
the slower returns of northern industry. A few 
years ago, the greater part of Florida was almost a 
wilderness ; now Tallahassee is a flourishing town, 
and great part of the State owes its growing pros- 
perity, as I am informed, to the cultivation of sugar. 

According to Colonel Murat's computation, a pur- 
chase of 'i40 acres may be made at three dollars an 
acre ; and a plantation stocked with all the necessary 
tools, provisions, mules, ploughs, clothing for the 
negroes, &c. for little more than £1000. In this 
sum is included the value of ten slaves ; for the curse 
of slavery attends the cultivation of sugar in the 
United States, as elsewhere. Let us hope that it 
may be practicable at a future time to continue it 
without this blot upon the growing fortunes of Ame- 
rica, although M. Murat certainly holds out little 
prospect of such a consummation. 

With this moderate outlay, and no material addi- 
tion to it for the space of three or four years, a return 
of nearly 100 per cent, may be obtained. In- 
deed, land may be purchased at half the sum men- 



159 

tioned above, if at a distance from towns, &c. ; and, 
by a judicious alternation of other crops, as cotton, 
maize. &c. very little risk or expense need be incurred 
by the cultivator. 

The Americans have frequently been reproached 
for suffering the continuance of slavery for one 
instant after the declaration of independence. It 
must be recollected that before that time they were 
not allowed to abolish it, even after repeated petitions 
to that effect to the government of the mother 
country. 

But any person who has an opportunity of ob- 
serving personally the effects of the existence of this 
dreadful evil must, I think, allow that a sudden and 
unprepared emancipation would probably be pro- 
ductive, in the first instance at least, of evils a 
thousand-fold greater to all the parties concerned 
than even its unmitigated continuance. It is not 
one of the least lamentable effects of slavery, that it 
is apt to unfit both the oppressor* and the victim 

* I use not these terms invidiously ; Captain Hall, M. Vigne, 
and many succeeding travellers, bear witness to the general 
kindness with which the slaves are treated in the United States. 
But it is a system, wherever it exists, whose whole existence 
rests upon a foundation of injustice, outrage, and the most 
atrocious robbery, that of the liberty, I may say the life (or its 
usufruct) of a fellow -creature. This right of an unoffending 
individual to his liberty may be disputed by those who argue with 
Dumont as to the inherent rights of our nature, and would make 



160 

for a different state of things ; and as a question of 
interest, it may be regarded as an alternative of 
wealth and power, or complete ruin to the slave- 

them depend upon a legal title. " La declaration des droits pent 
se faire apres la constitution, mais non pas avant, car les droits 
existent par les lois, et ne les precedent pas/' &c. Legislators, 
he asserts, must not be tied by general maxims false in themselves. 
" Les hommes naissent libres et egaux, cela n'est pas vrai. lis 
ne naissent point libres, au contraire, ils naissent dans un etat de 
faiblesse et de dependance n^cessaire ; egaux — ou le sont ils ? ou 
pourront ils I'etre ? entend-t'on I'egalite de fortune, de talent, de 
vertu, d'industrie, de condition ? le mensonge est manifeste. II 
faut des volumes pour parvenir a donner un certain sens 
raisonnable a cette egalite, que vous proclamez sans exception,'* 
&c. &c. — Vide Dumont's Mirabeau, French edition, p. 98. 

By an extension of this principle there are no moral or personal 
rights co-existent with our being, and drawing their origin from 
the same inscrutable source that gives us life ; but they depend 
entirely on the law of the land. This is an excellent argument 
for lawyers, as, carried to the farthest limit, it would declare that 
in every country, whatever may be the nature of the law, if it order 
the destruction of prisoners, or their conversion into roast meat, or 
the mastication, by instalments, of living offenders against the 
rights of a husband, as in Sumatra ; in short, whatever the law 
decrees becomes alone an inherent right. 

To confine ourselves, however, to civilized nations, the United 
States cut the knot at once, by beginning their declaration with 
a formula that legally gives this right, if not already in existence, 
and slavery is a continual infraction of it, not legalized by the 
Federal Union, but by the enactments of particular States. 

Finally, no theory has been more misunderstood than that of 
the liberty and equality of men subject to the law, in America. 
No constitution can render the fortunes, conditions, or abilities 
of men equal, any more than it can make any two persons phyr 



161 

holders in many cases. Can we be surprised at the 
obstacles that are opposed to any general abolition of 
this (almost universally) allowed evil, by those States 
of America vs^hose culture and existence seem at pre- 
sent to depend on it ? Let us turn from what must 
unfortunately be regarded for the present as a ne- 
cessary evil, admitting of no immediate remedy that 
human prudence can adopt, to consider the admirable 
and practical mode in which the existence of slavery 
has been done away with in the northern, eastern, 

sically or morally precisely similar ; or two leaves of the same 
tree perfectly alike; nor was such an interpretation, I should 
think, ever seriously intended. The natural differences of talent, 
person, disposition, &c. produce the corresponding distinctions 
among men, which artificial distinction becomes their right, by 
the same principle that secured the fruition of their natural 
advantages. Certain other artificial rights, however, depend- 
ing upon the accidents of birth, and having force of law in 
other countries, are, by the principles dominant in the United 
States, abolished. The natural dependence of man in infancy 
on the protection of his parents is by no means disturbed by the 
theory of political independence. This helplessness causes the 
contraction of a debt of reciprocity of the good offices that the 
child receives from its parents, to be at a future period repaid 
when the infant itself becomes a parent. The rights to charitable 
protection and support possessed by the infirm in mind or body, 
depend upon a similar implied mutuality of good offices, when- 
ever the want of them may be felt by those by whom they are 
now conferred. Revealed or even what is called natural religion 
shows that these common rights of mankind necessarily exist, at 
least in civilized communities, whether before or after the creation 
pf a legal claim. 

IVI 



1621 

and other considerable states of the Union — in a 
word, in its most rapidly improving sections. By 
enacting the prospective emancipation of certain 
slaves at fixed periods, and the birthright of liberty 
to those born after certain terms, slavery has disap- 
peared in states where it formerly extensively existed : 
and this extinction of so foul a stain has taken place 
without danger or difficulty, by the present mode of 
carrying it into execution. It may be in my power 
at a future time to offer some observations on sub- 
jects connected with the extinction of slavery, which 
the limits and nature of this work preclude. 

A serious obstacle to the advantageous emancipa- 
tion of negroes in the United States, is the extraor- 
dinary prejudice of colour. Europeans can hardly 
conceive the force with which this absurd and unjust 
prejudice acts in America, not only against those 
whose blood is unmixed, but against those coloured 
persons whom it requires much experience, and perhaps 
legal evidence to discover, as being under the ban of 
this exclusive aristocracy of complexion. If an indi- 
vidual, concentrating the wisdom and virtues of every 
age in his own person, and inheriting the qualities 
of a Socrates, an Alfred, a Gustavus Vasa, and a 
Washington combined, were born with a negro skin 
in the United States, I do not think that he would ever 
be allowed a perfectly social equality with a white 
scoundrel. The consequence of this artificial and 



163 



unjust social degradation is not unfrequently a real de- 
basement, which often renders the free coloured popu- 
lation comparatively unprofitable members of society. 
Those who have the interests of their country at 
heart, and look with a prophetic eye, not only to the 
interests of humanity, but to those of policy, have 
long wished to do away with so great a source of 
weakness and unhappiness as the existence of slavery 
in the United States, and at the same time to secure 
for those emancipated a home, where the practice of 
the principles laid down by the declaration of inde- 
pendence will not be at variance with its theory. 
With this view the establishment of a colony was 
proposed so early as the year 1796, by a distinguished 
Friend or Quaker, named Gerard Hopkins ; but it 
did not produce much useful effect until General C. 
F. Mercer, the Wilberforce of the American Congress, 
opened a correspondence with the philanthropists of 
the different states, which led to the formation of the 
American Colonization Society, in 1817. 

" The great objects of that society, were— the final 
and entire abolition of slavery, providing for the best 
interests of the blacks, by establishing them in in- 
dependence upon the coast of Africa ; thus consti- 
tuting them the protectors of the unfortunate natives 
against the inhuman ravages of the slaver, and seek- 
ing, through them, to spread the lights of civilization 

m2! 



164 

and Christianity among {he fifty millions who inhabit 
those dark regions. To meet the views of all parties, 
they had a most difficult path to tread ; but as all 
legislation on the subject of slavery w^as specially 
reserved to the respective States hy the Articles of 
Confederation, and had become the basis of the 
Constitution of the United States, they very wisely, 
instead of denouncing an evil which they had not 
the power to overthrow, had recourse to the more 
sure, but gradual mode of removing it, by enlighten- 
ing the consciences, and convincing the judgments, 
of the slave-holders. Their theory is justified by ex- 
perience ; for while our little colony has grown quite 
as fast as could be wished for by its most judicious 
friends, these principles have been silently gaining 
ground in the slave states, yet so rapidly, that the 
number of slaves offei^ed gratuitously by benevolent 
owners, exceed tenfold the present means of the 
society to receive and convey them to Africa. The 
disposition of Virginia has been already shown. De- 
laware and Kentucky have also proved their anxiety 
to concur in so noble a cause ; and Dr. Ayres, the 
earliest Governor of Liberia, now resident at Mary- 
land, asserts, *that owing to the plans and prin- 
ciples of colonization being better understood, in less 
than twenty years there wall be no more slaves born 
in that state.' 

" A party in South Carolina is now^ almost the only 



165 



opponent that the society has at home ; and, as if to 
afford the most incontestable evidence that its plan 
will destroy the institution of slavery in the United 
States, they ground their opposition upon the inevi- 
table tendency of colonization to eradicate slave- 
holdings and thereby deprive them of their property. 

" But if the present means of the Society are in- 
adequate to effect its purposes, it will be recollected 
that only eight years have elapsed since Cape Messu- 
rado, then a mart for the sale of 10,000 fellow- 
creatures annually, was purchased from the natives ; 
that unhallowed traffic has been entirely destroyed ; 
a flourishing colony of 2000 emancipated slaves has 
been founded ; churches, schools, commerce, and even 
a new^spaper established, and the confidence of the 
aborigines so completely won, that 10,000 of them 
are, as allies of this new republic, participating in 
the blessings of civilization and religion. 

" The feelings of these happy people are best de- 
scribed in their circular to the people of colour of the 
United States. Knowing that in the infancy of the 
society some had impugned its motives, and others 
doubted its success, they pointedly observe—* Judge^ 
then^ of the feelings with ivhich we hear the motives 
and doings of the Colonization Society traduced — 
and that, too, hy men too ignorant to Jcnoio what the 
society had accomplished — too weak to look through 
its plans and intentions — or too disho7iest to acknbic- 



166 

ledge either' All their letters unite in grateful 
thanks for the great blessings conferred upon them ; 
and even greater are either realizing, or in prospect, 
for the savage tribes around. — All this has been 
effected for the small sum of 27,000/. ; and its friends, 
at first but few, have so increased, in number and 
confidence, that one-third of their total receipts ac- 
crued during the last year — several religious bodies 
have given it their earnest and unanimous support — 
thirteen of the states have recommended it to the 
patronage of Congress ; and * on the elevation of its 
champion, the Hon. Henry Clay, to the Presidency, 
there cannot be a doubt that funds adequate to the 
fulfilment of this glorious design will be granted by 
the general government. 

" If the very dregs of the human race (the slavers) 
can drag annually from Africa 100,000 unfortunate 
wretches, will it be doubted that the energies of a free 
people can restore half as many of her descendants, 
when prompted alike by duty and interest? — this, 
in a few years, would effect a cure of the evil ; — the 
sum required is too small to be an obstacle. It has 
been shown in Parliament that during the last twenty- 
four years about 8,000,000/. has been spent upon 
Sierra Leone. That sum, divided into thirty in- 
stalments, would, in as many years, settle our whole 

* It must be recollected that these are the words and sentiments 
of the editor of the Report of the Colonization Society. 



167 

coloured population in the land of their ancestors. 
Nor can it fail to give the society increased confidence 
in the soundness of their own system, when they find 
that ministers have announced their intention of re- 
gulating the African Colonies of England upon the 
same plan, and elevating the black man, by conferring 
upon his race the principal oflftces of the different posts. 
Neither has our scheme been unsanctioned by the 
approval of some of the best men of Britain — Richard 
Dykes Alexander, a name ever prominent in deeds of 
practical philanthropy, ' convinced that a more rapid 
progress was never known in any colony towards 
comfort and respectability than that of Liberia,' 
published an appeal in its behalf; in consequence of 
which, the following sums were sent to Barnetts, 
Hoare, and Co., 62, Lombard-street, who continue to 
act as bankers to the fund, viz." (here follows a list 
of subscribers to assist this praiseworthy undertaking). 
"Each 7^. 10^. of which not only secures the freedom 
of a slave and pays his passage to Africa, but con- 
stitutes him a freeholder of thirty acres of fertile 
land. 

" Hence, the undersigned, as Representative of the 
American Colonization Society, feels himself 
justified in drawing the same conclusion, which, he 
believes, the wise and good of all sects and all parties 
in the United States have arrived at — that it is the 
happy means, destined by a kind Providence, for 



168 



securing to Africa the fulfilment of the glorious pro- 
mises in her behalf — by effecting, in the mode most 
consistent with their interest and happiness, the 
freedom of her coloured population — et pari passu, 
destroying that inhuman traffic which has so long 
been the affliction of Africa, the disgrace of Europe, 
and the scourge of America. 

" Elliott Cresson." 

It is unnecessary for me to add any thing to the 
above extract to show the views and principles of 
this excellent and practical undertaking, which at a 
comparatively smiJl expense has effected so much 
without the assistance of any government, or much 
loss from the effects of a climate, to which the 
coloured population become soon habituated. 

Some idea of the happy effects already resulting 
from this undertaking, may be formed from such 
quotations as this, taken by chance from an American 
paper. 

" There arrived at the American colony in Africa, 
from the 9th to the 29th of January, one ship, seven 
brigs, and three schooners, besides vessels belonging 
to the colonists ; among them were a brig from France, 
a ship from Liverpool, and three brigs and a schooner 
from the United States. Some of the colonists are 
said to be worth from 10 to 15,000 dollars." — Nat. 
Gazette, April, 1831. 



169 

The report * of the American Colonization Society 
affords ample evidence of the present utility and 
good prospects of the colony t. It contains also a 

* The Reports of the Pennsylvania Colonization Society are to 
be found at Miller's and other booksellers in London. 

t " The true character of the African climate is not well under- 
stood in other countries. Its inhabitants are as robust, as healthy, 
as long-dived, to say the least, as those of any other country. 
Nothing like an epidemic has ever appeared in this colony ; nor 
can we learn from the natives, that the calamity of a sweeping 
sickness ever yet visited this part of the continent. But the 
change from a temperate to a tropical country is a great one — 
too great not to affect the health, more or less — and, in the case 
of old people, and very young children, it often causes death. In 
the early years of the colony, want of good houses, the great 
fatigues and dangers of the settlers, their irregular mode of living, 
and the hardships and discouragements they met with, greatly 
helped the other causes of sickness, which prevailed to an alarm- 
ing extent, and were attended with great mortality. But we 
look back to those times as to a season of trial long past, and 
nearly forgotten. Our houses and circumstances are now com- 
fortable ; and, for the last two or three years, not one person in 
forty, from the Middle and Southern States, has died from the 
change of climate. The disastrous fate of the company of settlers 
who came out from Boston in the brig Vine, eighteen months 
ago, is an exception to the common lot of emigrants, and the 
causes of it ought to be explained. Those people left a cold 
region in the coldest part of winter, and arrived here in the 
hottest season of our year. Many of them were too old to have 
survived long in any country. They most imprudently neglected 
the prescriptions of our very successful physician, the Rev. Lot 
Carey, who has great experience and great skill in the fevers of 
the country, and depended on medicines brought with them, 
which could not fail to prove injurious. And, in consequence of 



170 

speech of Mr. Clay's on this subject, highly worthy 
of perusal. 



all these unfortunate circumstances, their sufferings were severe, 
and many died. But we are not apprehensive that a similar 
calamity will befall any future emigrants, except under similar 
disadvantages. 

'^People now arriving, have comfortable houses to receive them; 
will enjoy the regular attendance of a physician in the slight 
sickness that may await them ; will be surrounded and attended 
by healthy and happy people, who have borne the effects of the 
climate, who will encourage and fortify them against that de- 
spondency which, alone, has carried off several in the first years 
of the colony. 

" But you may say, that even health and freedom, as good as 
they are, are still dearly paid for, when they cost you the com- 
mon comforts of life, and expose your wives and children to 
famine, and all the evils of want and poverty. We do not dispute 
the soundness of this conclusion either; but we utterly deny that 
it has any application to the people of Liberia. 

'^ Away with all the false notions that are circulating about the 
barrenness of this country : they are the observations of such 
ignorant or designing men as would injure both it and you. A 
more fertile soil, and a more productive country, so far as it is 
cultivated, there is not, we believe, on the face of the earth. Its 
hills and its plains are covered with a verdure which never fades ; 
the productions of nature keep on in their growth through all the 
seasons of the year. Even the natives of the country, almost 
without farming tools, without skill, and with very little labour, 
make more grain and vegetables than they can consume, and 
often more than they can sell. 

'^Cattle, swine, fowls, ducks, goats, and sheep, thrive without 
feeding, and require no other care than to keep them from straying. 
Cotton, coffee, indigo, and the sugar-cane, are all the spontaneous 
growth of our forests ; and may be cultivated, at pleasure, to any 



171 

The Penitentiary System of the United States is 
well deserving of attention. Although the peniten- 

extent, by snch as are disposed. The same may be said of rice, 
Indian-corn, Guinea-corn, millet, and too many species of fruits and 
vegetables to be enumerated. Add to all this, we have no dreary 
winter here, for one half of the year to consume the productions of 
the other half. Nature is constantly renewing herself, and constantly 
pouring her treasures, all the year round, into the laps of the in- 
dustrious. We could say on this subject more ; but we are afraid 
of exciting, too highly, the hopes of the imprudent. It is only 
the industrious and virtuous that we can point to independence, 
and plenty, and happiness, in this country. Such people are 
nearly sure to attain, in a very few years, to a style of comfortable 
living, which they may in vain hope for in the United States ; 
and however short we come of this character ourselves, it is only 
a due acknowledgment of the bounty of Divine Providence to 
say, that we generally enjoy the good things of this life to our 
entire satisfaction. 

''^ Our trade is chiefly confined to the coast, to the interior parts 
of the continent, and to foreign vessels. It is already valuable, 
and fast increasing. It is carried on in the productions of the 
country, consisting of rice, palm oil, ivory, tortoise-shell, dye- 
woods, gold, hides, wax, and a small amount of coffee ; and it 
brings us, in return, the products and manufactures of the four 
quarters of the world. — Seldom, indeed, is our harbour clear of 
European and American shipping ; and the bustle and thronging 
of our streets show something, already, of the activity of the 
smaller sea-ports of the United States. 

" Mechanics, of nearly every trade, are carrying on their various 
occupations ; their wages are high ; and a large number would 
be sure of constant and profitable employment. 

'' Not a child or youth in the colony but is provided with an 
appropriate school. We have a numerous public library, and a 
court-house, meeting-houses, school-houses, and fortifications suf- 
ficient, or nearly so, for the colony in its present state. 



172 

tiaries generally can hardly be classed among sources 
of revenue, yet in more than one instance in America 

'' Our houses are constructed of the same materials, and finished 
in the same style, as in the towns of America. We have abund- 
ance of good building stone, shells for lime, and clay, of an 
excellent quality, for bricks. Timber is plentiful, of various 
kinds, and fit for all the different purposes of building and 
fencing. 

'^ Truly, we have a goodly heritage ; and if there is any thing 
lacking in the character or condition of the people of this colony, 
it never can be charged to the account of the country : it must be 
the fruit of our own mismanagement, or slothfulness, or vices. 
But from these evils we confide in Him, to whom we are in- 
debted for all our blessings, to preserve us. It is the topic of 
our weekly and daily thanksgiving to Almighty God, both in 
public and in private, and He knows with what sincerity that 
we were ever conducted, by his Providence, to this shore. — Such 
great favours, in so short a time, and mixed with so few trials, 
are to be ascribed to nothing but His special blessing. — This we 
acknowledge. We only want the gratitude which such signal 
favours call for. Nor are we willing to close this paper without 
adding a heartfelt testimonial of the deep obligations we owe to 
our American patrons and best earthly benefactors, whose wisdom 
pointed us to this home of our nation, and whose active and per- 
severing benevolence enabled us to reach it. Judge, then, of the 
feelings with which we hear the motives and doings of the 
Colonization Society traduced — and that^ too, by men too igno- 
rant to know what that Society has accomplished j too weak to 
look through its plans and intentions ; or too dishonest to ac- 
knowledge either. But without pretending to any prophetic 
sagacity, we can certainly predict to that Society, the ultimate 
triumph of their hopes and labours, and disappointment and 
defeat to all who oppose them. Men may theorize, and speculate 
about their plans in America, but there can be no speculation 
here. The cheerful abodes of civilization and happiness which 



173 

they have been found not only to defray all the ex- 
penses of their establishment, but to leave a con- 
siderable balance of profit (derived from the labour 
of the prisoners,) at the disposal of the state. There 
must consequently be some essential difference in the 
principles upon which these establishments are carried 
on in our own country, or we should not see grants 
of 20,000/. and upwards made towards the support 
of similar institutions, instead of a return produced 
by the prisoners, as it is not for want of convicts able 
to work that they continue so expensive in England. 

are scattered over this verdant mountain — the flourishing settle- 
ments which are spreading around it — the sound of Christian 
instruction, and scenes of Christian worship, which are heard 
and seen in this land of brooding pagan darkness — a thousand 
contented freemen united in founding a new Christian empire, 
happy themselves, and the instruments of happiness to others — 
every object, every individual, is an argument, is demonstration, 
of the wisdom and goodness of the plan of colonization. 

'TFhere is the argument that shall refute facts like these ? And 
where is the man hardy enough to deny them V — See Report of 
American Colonization Society, extract of a letter from a colonist, 
verbatim. 



174 



SUMMARY. 

Each individual pays annually towards the public 
expenditure as follows : 

ACCORDING TO REVUE BRITANNIQUE, NO. 12, 1831. 

I. S. d. 

In France . 31 francs . or 1 5 10 

In United States 35 francs or 19 2 

MR. FENIMORE COGPER'S ESTIMATE. 

In France gives no estimate. 

In United States, i. e. a citizen of New York to 
the general and state governments, including principal 
and interest of public debt, schools, support of clergy, 
poor, internal improvements, &c. 14 francs 5 cen- 
times . . . . or 11 8|^ 

Without the ecclesiastical expenses, the poor, or 
sums paid towards the extinction of the public debt, 
and interest upon it . 5 fr. 35 c. or 4 5^ 

To the state of New York 95 c. or 9^- 

GENERAL BERNARDS CALCULATION. 

In France, without clergy (and some other ex- 
penses before specified) . 28 fr. 12 c. or 13 5y\j- 
In United States, ditto 11 fr. 47 c. or 9 6^<V 
In France, without the debt, 20 fr. 57 c. or 17 l-i^o 
In United States, ditto 6 fr. 6 c. or 5 0^-^ 
In United States, maximum paid by each indi- 
vidual to state government 1 fr. 32 c. or 1 1^^^ 

Or to Federal and State governments (exclusive of 

clergy) 10 7tV 

CAPTAIN BASIL HALL. 

In United States, to Federal government . 9 4f 

Ditto State government . . .030 



Total . . 12 4f 



175 

It would be superfluous to offer any detailed esti- 
mate after the above statements, particularly as the 
foregoing chapters and the tables in the Appendix 
will enable any person to make a calculation of the 
amount paid by each individual in the United States 
towards the public expenditure. It would appear, 
however, that the estimate of Mr. Cooper is some- 
what low. By adding the estimated amount paid to 
the clergy in the United States to General Bernard's 
estimate, we obtain with sufficient accuracy the real 
amount. 

Allowing largely for the clergy, the state judicia- 
ries, &c. and other items omitted by Captain Hall, 
added to the Federal expenditure, the maximum 
annual amount may be about thirteen shillings. 

I. s. d. 

For the average expenditure of the United King- 
dom during the years 1828-9 and 30, including the 
national debt, the clergy (of every denomination), and 
the poor-rates, an inhabitant of Great Britain pays a 
minimum of about . . . . 2 13 4 

Or, deducting the interest of national debt, say 
28,000,000/. about . . . I 10 

Captain Hall, gives as mean amount paid by each 
individual in the United States, 12*. 4|cZ. not in- 
cluding clergy, poor, &c. but excluding slaves, or 
persons not taxed . . . . 14 5|- 

If we take from the calculation of the sum paid 
by each individual in the United Kingdom, the 
number of those supported by poor-rates, &c. it 
would at least balance the difference. 



176 

The expense of collectiDg the revenue in the United 

States, including what General Bernard calls admijii- 

stration centrale, is 

In United States . . 5 and -^^ per cent. 

In France . . 12 and -jL per cent. 

In England, according to Sir H. Parnell 7 and i per cent. 

But it is probable that Sir Henry Parnell only 
includes the expense, technically called " collection 
of the revenue" (lately however diminished in amount), 
and not the whole expense incurred by the mainte- 
nance of public offices, salaries, &c. of each depart- 
ment. The author of a pamphlet on " British Rela- 
tions with the Chinese Empire," makes the expense 
of collection on 97,067,847/. to be in the years 
1828-9 and 1830, 9,402,801/. or about ten per cent, 
on the amount of import duties, spirits, malt-liquors, 
wine, sugar, coffee, tobacco, and stamps. Vide also 
Quarterly, 1825. 

Dollars. c. 

The total expenditure of the Federal govern- 
ment for 1831 is estimated at . 30,967,201 25 
including, however . . . 16,189,289 
for the payments on the public debt. 

Leaving as the amount for current expenditure, 14,777^912, 
or about £3,283,980. 

The receipts for 1832 are estimated at . 30,100,000 

Viz. Customs . . 26,500,000 

Public lands . . 3,000,000 

Bank dividends . 490,000 

Incidental receipts . 110,000 



177 

Dollars. c. 

The total expenditure for 1832, exclusive of 
public debt .... 13,365,202 16 

or about £2,970,045. 

Leaving a balance of . . 16,734,7^7 B4 

or about £3,718,843.— Vide Mr. M'Lane's Report on the Fi- 
nances of the United States. 



APPENDIX 



Extract from " Review of Captain B, HalVs Travels.'''' 

"With regard to the judicial establishments of the two 
countries, he is perpetually referring, in the language of 
taunt, to the superior firmness of the tenure of office in 
England. It is plain, from every word he utters, that heis 
under a complete delusion as to the real state of the fact. 
In England the judges can be removed by a bare majority 
of the legislature, without any form of trial, or even an 
allegation of their having committed any offence. Paley 
states this with his usual correctness (Principles of Moj^al 
and Political Philosophy) : ' As protection against every 
illegal attack upon the rights of the subject by the servants 
of the Crown is to be sought for from these tribunals, the 
judges of the land become not unfrequently the arbitrators 
between the King and the people, on which account they 
ought to be independent of either ; or what is the same 
thing, equally dependent on both ; that is, if they be ap- 
pointed by the one, they should be removable only by the 
other. This was the policy which dictated that memorable 
improvement in our Constitution, by which thejudges, who, 
before the Revolution, held their offices duri7ig the pleasure 
of the King, can now be deprived of them 07ily by an address 



180 



from both Houses of Parliament, as the most regular, so- 
lemn, and authentic way by which the dissatisfaction of the 
people can be expressed.' Mr. Hallam, in his Constitu- 
tional History (vol. i. p. 245), remarks, ' No judge can be 
dismissed from office except in consequence of a conviction 
for some offence, or the address of both Houses of Parlia- 
ment, which is tantamount to an act of legislature.'' And 
thus the matter rests at the present day. The same casting 
vote which suffices to pass a law may dismiss the judge 
whose interpretation of it is not acceptable. This is not the 
case in any part of the United States. The judges of the 
national courts cannot be reached by address at all ; they 
may defy the President and both Houses of Congress. In 
the states M^here this English provision has been copied, it 
has been rendered comparatively harmless by requiring 
the concurrence of two-thirds of each branch of the legisla- 
ture in order to effect the removal. 

" Let us suppose, for the sake of illustration, a question to 
arise on the Emancipation Bill, as it is called, of last Session. 
The most strenuous supporters of that bill admitted it to 
be a violation of what they designated as the Constitution 
of 1688. In Mr. Peel's speech, less than a year before, he 
declared, * If the Constitution was to be considered the 
King, Lords, and Commons, it would be subverting that 
Constitution to admit Roman Catholics to the privileges 
they sought ; it would be an important change in the state 
of the Constitution as established at the Revolution.' (Speech 
in May, 1828.) Lord Tenterden, the Chief Justice of the 
Court of King's Bench, in resisting in the House of Lonis 
the bill subsequently introduced by Mr. Peel himself, declared 
that ' he looked upon the proposed measure as leading by 
a broad and direct road to the overthrow of the Protestant 
Church.' (Times, April Q, 1829.^1 Suppose the Serjeant 
at Arms should thrust back Mr. O'Conneil on his attempting 



181 

to enter the House of Commons, or any other cause arise 
bringing up the act : were Lord Tenterden, as a judge, to 
use any language of an unsatisfactory kind, he might be 
hurled from his seat by that very legislature, which was in- 
duced to pass the law. In the United States the people 
have denied themselves this power. Mr. Chief Justice Mar- 
shall might move intrepidly on, where Lord Chief Justice 
Tenterden must yield or be sacrificed. Congress fairly 
and equally represents the whole country, yet it has not the 
power of a British Parliament to bring to bear on judges 
what Paley calls ' the displeasure of the people.'' 

" It is a subject of curious reflection, that until the Consti- 
tution of 1688, or rather until the 13th year of Will. III., 
judges were, as Paley remarks, the creatures of the Crown. 
The actual power of judicial appointment at present resides 
in Mr. Peel, the Home Secretary. He has said that the 
Constitution of 1 688 would be subverted by measures which 
he has since urged through Parliament ; if so, the King has 
an unlimited power of making and unmaking judges. Put 
that Constitution out of view, and Lord Tenterden may be 
dismissed in the same way as his predecessor Lord Coke 
was, in the time of James the First. 

" Captain Hall has sad misgivings ; he tells us as to what 
will be our fate if the Supreme Court should at any time 
falter in its duty, and consent to execute an unconstitutional 
law. Now there is, of course, no end to the hypotheses 
which an ingenious mind may frame as to the effect of dere- 
lictions of duty, by any department of a government. The 
House of Commons may, as Paley remarks, ' put to death 
the Constitution, by the refusal of the annual grants of 
money to the support of the necessary functions of govern- 
ment."' So may the judiciary commit some suicidal act. 
We have given to our judges every motive to a high and 
fearless execution of their trust; the oath to support the 



182 

Gonstitution, — absolute immunity, — and, on the other hand, 
the infamy of judicial cowardice. Human precaution can 
go no further. But where are we if all these securities 
prove ineffectual ? Just where other countries are which do 
not intrust to the judge the power of canvassing a legisla- 
tive act. What was the history of our Revolution ? Whilst 
we were a part of the British empire, an attempt was made 
to tax us in defiance of a common law principle. As the 
courts stood ready to enforce these odious measures we were 
driven to arms. Lord Chatham declared us to be in the 
right. Mr. Fox has subsequently placed on record his 
opinion that our resistance preserved the integrity of the 
English Constitution, and Parliament itself has recognised 
the justice of our course by a definition of the true colonial 
principle. Our present position is this: — We have placed 
our judges in a situation far more independent than the 
same functionaries enjoy in England. We are a patient, quiet 
people, and will submit to a great deal even of what we 
deem injustice, rather than put all these blessings in peril 
by violence : but, finally, we hold in reserve for intolerable 
grievances what Blackstone describes, even in England, as 
the last resort. 

'' It is the more to be regretted that Captain Hall should 
have exhibited an absurd ignorance on this subject, as he 
has thereby diminished materially the chance of our pro- 
fiting by his criticism, even when better founded. A foreigner 
is often struck by errors to which the people, amongst whom 
they exist, are rendered insensible, and his candid and tem- 
perate exposure of them may lead to a reformation, which 
might have been struggled for in vain by those whose mo- 
tives were more liable to suspicion. Thus, he very justly 
denounces the practice, in a few of the states, of rendering 
the judges periodically elective, thinking that they are 
thereby exposed to, at least, a suspicion of servility to the 



183 

government. He thinks that they ought to be placed on 
the same footing with the judges of the United States, and 
of the largest states ; but unfortunately he has thrown away 
all his influence as an auxiliary, by seriously pretending 
to refer these misguided people, in the most triumphant 
manner, to the case of England ^ when they are too well 
aware that an evil of the same character exists in that 
country, in a form infinitely more odious and alarming, and 
on a scale altogether stupendous. 

" The allusion is, of course, to the High Court of Chancery. 
There is a sum at stake in the litigation of that court — nay, 
actually locked up awaiting its decisions — equal to the value 
of the fee-simple of the states in question, and all their 
movables into the bargain — a sum more than sufficient to 
pay off the whole national debt of the United States several 
times over. Its jurisdiction is of the most diiFusive cha- 
racter, and it may be said to reach in some way, either 
directly or indirectly, the interests or the sympathies of 
every individual in the community. As no court presents 
so many temptations to indirect practices, so there is no one 
in which they may be so readily veiled. A year's delay ^ to 
obtain which might be an object of sufficient importance to 
warrant an enormous bribe, would scarcely excite even sus- 
picion in a court whose procrastinating temper is proverbial. 
There is no jury to participate in its labours, or to check an 
improper bias ; nor do its proceedings possess that kind of 
popular interest which attracts to them the supervision even 
of the readers of the newspapers. What is the tenure by 
which this almost boundless power over the anxieties and 
the interests of the community is held? The will of the 
minister of the day : his breath can make or unmake the 
Lord Chancellor. A premier would instantly resign if his 
declared wish for the removal of this officer should be dis- 
regarded : such a refusal would be considered as depriving 



184 



him of an authority essential to the discipline of the cabinet, 
and to that concert and cordiality on which the success of 
its measures must so greatly depend. When it is recollected 
that within the brief space of nine months, there stood at 
the head of affairs in Great Britain four different indivi- 
duals in succession (Lord Liverpool, Mr. Canning, Lord 
Goderich, the Duke of Wellington), it will readily be con- 
ceded that the Chancellor can never consider himself as 
altogether safe, since he is liable to be sacrificed, not merely 
to any particular scheme of policy, which he is accused of 
thwarting, but even to those impulses of temper, on the one 
side or the other, through which Mr. Huskisson ceased to 
be a minister. It seems to be universally agreed that Lord 
Lyndhurst must have gone out, as the Attorney-General 
did, had he not voted for the Relief Bill of last session. 

" If we look back to the history of this court we shall see 
plainly what has been the practical consequence of this state 
of things. The mind involuntarily turns to Lord Bacon : 
the ' greatest, wisest' of mankind, he became lord chancellor 
only to furnish to the poet a sad antithesis to these epithets.' 
There is nowhere to be found a more mortifying rebuke to 
the pride of human nature than is furnished in witnessing 
the influence of circumstances over a mind so wholly without 
a parallel in modern times, whether we refer to original 
power and compass, or to extent of acquirement. His ap- 
pointment, as appears by his own letters, was brought about 
by Buckingham, the favourite of King James. The abject 
subjection in which he was held is thus stated by his bio- 
grapher Mallet. ' During the King's absence in Scotland, 
there happened an affair, otherwise of small importance but 
as it lets us into the true genius of those times, and serves 
to show in what miserable subjection the favourite held all 
those who were in public employments. He was on the 
point of ruining Sir Francis Bacon, the person he had just 



185 

contributed to raise ; not for any error or negligence in their 
master's service, but merely for an opinion given in a thing 
that only regarded his own family. Indeed such was his 
levity, such the insolence of his power, that the capricious 
removal of men from their places became the prime distinc- 
tion of his thirteen years' favour, which, as Bishop Hacket 
observes, was like a sweeping flood that at every spring-tide 
takes from one land to cast what it has taken upon another.* 
And again, ' Nor even thus did he presently regain his 
credit with Buckingham ; the family continued to load him 
•with reproaches : and he remained long under that agony 
of heart which an aspiring man must feel when his power 
and dignity are at the mercy of a king's minion, young and 
giddy with his elevation. They were, however, reconciled 
at last, and their friendship, if obsequiousness in one, to all 
the humours of the other, deserves the name of friendship, 
continued without interruption for some years; while Buck- 
ingham went on daily to place and displace the great officers 
of the Crown, as wantonness of fancy, or anger, or interest 
led him ; to recommend or discountenance every private 
person, who had a suit depending in any court just as he 
was influenced ; to authorise and protect every illegal pro- 
ject that could serve most speedily to enrich himself or his 
kindred,' &c. 

*' At length his bribery and venality became so flagrant 
and notorious, that it was found necessary to put him 
aside. 

*' What brought about the dismissal of Lord Clarendon 
from the same high oflice ? We are told that the gravity of 
his deportment ' struck a very unpleasing awe into a court 
filled with licentious persons of both sexes ;' certain false 
suggestions were in consequence got up, which, * assisted by 
the solicitations of the ladies of pleasure, made such im- 
pressions upon the King, that he at last gave way and 



186 

became willing, and even pleased to part both from his 
person and services.' ( Chalmers's Biographical Dictiona?^, 
art. Hyde.) Pepys^ Secretary to the Admiralty, in the 
reign of Charles II. thus refers, in his Diary, recently edited 
by Lord Braybrooke, to the same transaction. ' This day, 
Mr. Pierce, the surgeon, was with me, and tells me how 
this business of my Lord Chancellor's was certainly designed 
in my Lady Castlemaine's chamber ; and that when he went 
from the King on Monday morning she was in bed (though 
about twelve oVlock), and ran out in her smock into her 
aviary, looking into Whitehall-garden ; and thither her 
woman brought her her night-gown, and stood blessing 
herself at the old man's going away.' 

" Clarendon's integrity could not be overcome. Had he 
proved weak as Lord Bacon, he would have been drawn 
into the same wretched thraldom to the male or female 
favourite of the hour. Influence, wherever lodged, would 
have been an object of dread ; and the power of alarming 
the anxieties of the Chancellor have proved the best per- 
quisite of the King's mistress. A magistrate thus debased 
would quickly come to understand that he might give as 
much offence by an honest decree as by the gravity of his 
deportment, and even should an exposure ultimately take 
place, it would be impossible to trace the taint of cor- 
ruption through the vast and complicated business of the 
court, much less to redress the mischief which had been 
done. 

" Coming into the next century, we find Lord Chan- 
cellor, the Earl of Macclesfield, disgraced for bribery and 
venality. 

" The circumstances which more recently led to the dis- 
missal of Juord Camden are thus stated by the Earl of Chat- 
ham, in his speech explanatory of the pension granted to 
that illustrious magistrate, prior to his appointment as Chan- 



187 

cellor. (See Gentleman's Magazine for 1770, p. 104.^ ' I 
recommended him to be Chancellor ; his public and private 
virtues were acknowledged by all ; they made his situation 
moj-e precarious. I could not reasonably expect from him 
that he should quit the chief -justiceship of the Common 
Pleas, which he held for life, and put himself in the pozver 
of those who v/ere not to be trusted to he dismissed from the 
Chancery^ perhaps the day after his appointment. The 
public has not been deceived by his conduct. My suspi- 
cions have been justified. His integrity has made him once 
more a poor and a private man ; he was dismissed for the 
vote he gave in favour of the right of election in the sub- 
ject."* In the same volume, p. 141, will be found ' The 
Humble Address, Remonstrance, and Petition of the Elec- 
tors of the City and Liberty of Westminster, assembled in 
Westminster-hall, the 28th March, 1770,' in which they 
say, ' By the same secret and unhappy irvftuence to which all 
our grievances have been originally owing, the redress of 
those grievances has been now prevented ; and the grievances 
themselves have been repeatedly confirmed, with this addi- 
tional circumstance of aggravation, that while the invaders 
of our rights remain the Directors of your Majesty^ s Coun- 
sels, the defenders of those rights have been dismissed from 
your Majesty's service, your Majesty having been advised 
by your ministers to remove from his employment for his 
vote in Parliament the highest officer of the law, because his 
principles suited ill with theirs, and his pure distribution of 
justice with their corrupt administration of it in the House 
of Commons.' 

" Whilst, therefore, the great law officer of England sits at 
the Council board, and at the banquet, with the sword sus- 
pended over his head by a single hair — whilst in the middle 
of a cause he may learn that his judicial functions are at an 
end— Captain Hall, with a generous waiver of all selfish 



188 



considerations, thinks only of the poor souls on the other 
side of the Atlantic. 

' Woe, woe, for Indiana, not a whit for me !' 

" His sympathies are on a mission to the Ohio, to awaken 
people there to a sense of their perilous condition, whilst his 
own brethren are left unheeded behind. He dreads lest in 
the legislature of some one of the states composed of men 
* who have come straight from the plough, or from behind 
the counter, from chopping down trees, or from the bar,' 
corruption may be found. He has no fear of the abuse of 
power by an individual." 



189 



General Table of all reUgwus denominations throughout the 
United States, specifying the number of ministers, churches, 
communicants, and individuals. 



Denominations. 


Mini- 
sters. 

2,914 


Churches, 
or Con- 
gregations 


Communi- 
cants. 


Population. 


1. Calvinistic Baptists 


4,384 


304,827 


2,743,453 


2. Methodist Episcopal Church 


1.777 




476,000 


2,600,000 


3. Presbyterians (General As- 










sembly) 


1,801 


2,253 


182,017 


1,800,000 


4. Congregationalists (orthodox) 


1,000 


1.270 


140,000 


1,260,000 


5. Protestant Episcopal Church 


558 


700 




600,000 


6. Universalists 


150 


300 




500,000 


7. Roman Catholics 








500,000 


8. Lutherans 


205 


1,200 


44,000 


400,000 


*9. Christians 


200 


800 


25,000 


275,000 


10. German Reformed 


84 


400 


17,400 


200,000 


11. Friends, or Quakers . 




400 




200,000 


12. Unitarians (Congregation- 










alists) .... 


160 


193 




176,000 


13. Associate and other Methodists 


350 




35,000 


175,000 


14. Free-will Baptists 


300 


400 


16,000 


150,000 


15. Dutch Reformed 


159 


194 


17,888 


125,000 


16. Mennonites 


200 




30,000 


120,000 


17- Associate Presbyterians 


74 


144 


15,000 


100,000 


18. Cumberland Presbyterians . 


50 


75 


8,000 


100,000 


19. Tunkers, or Dunkers . 


40 


40 


3,000 


30,000 


20. Free-communion Baptists 


30 




3,500 


30,000 


21. Seventh-day Baptists . 


30 


40 


2,000 


20,000 


22. Six-principle Baptists 


25 


30 


1,800 


20,000 


23. United Brethren, or Moravians 


23 


23 


2,000 


7,000 


24. Millenial Church, or Shakers 


45 


15 




6,000 


25. New Jerusalem Church 


30 


28 




5,000 


26. Emancipators (Baptists) 


15 




600 


4,500 


27. Jews and others not men- 










tioned, Sandemanians 




150 




50,000 



N. B. Lists of many more than double the above number of sects and deno- 
minations as existing in England and elsewhere are given by Evans, Hannah 
More, Hulbert, &c. ; but these are all that are mentioned by the " American 
Almanac," for 1832 (a most useful work published at Boston) ; " Quarterly 
Register of American Education ;" " Sword's Ecclesiastical Register ;" " Re- 
port of American Unitarian Association," &c. &c. on which authorities the 
above table is given.— W. G. O. 



1^0 



Genercd Beniard's Comparative Statement 



FRENCH BUDGET. 

Francs. Francs. 

Public Debt .... 247,943,065 

Civil List ... . 32,000,000 

Justice . . . 19,097,020 

Administration Cefitrnle . 552,000 

Total 19,649,020 

Foreign Affairs . . 8,180,000 

Administration Centrale . 820,000 

Total 9,000,000 

Interieur, or Home Department. 
Potits et chaussees, mines, travaux 

publics, lignes telegraphique,8zc. 91,513,51 7 
Miscellaneous . . 12,935,483 

Administration Centrale . 1,151,000 

Total 105,600,000 

Ecclesiastical Affairs . 35,551,500 

Administration Centrale . 370,000 

Total 35,921,500 

Public Instruction . . . 1,995,000 

Commerce and Manufactures . 2,844,000 
Administration Centrale . 450,200 

Total 3,294,200 



191 



of the French and American Budgets. 



AMERICAN BUDGET. 

Francs. Cs. Francs. Cs. 

Public Debt . . . 52,500,000 00 

Civil List . . . 131,250 00 



Department of State . 3,179,10169 

Central Administration . 170,409 75 

Total 3,349,51144 



192 

Francs. Francs. 



War Department . . J 85,623,000 

Administration Cenirale . 1,577,000 

Total 187,200,000 



Marine, or Naval Department . 64,480,000 

Administration Centrale . 790,000 

Total 65,270,000 

Finance . . . 94,954,100 

Administration Centrale . 5,000,000 

Total 99,954,100 

Post Office . . . 14,546,294 

Administration Centrale . 2,233,530 

Total 16,779,824 



Administration of Public Revenues 108,388,268 
Central Administration . 3,000,955 
(Without the Post Office) Total 111,389,223 

Reimbursements and Compensations . 41,939,397 



Total of French Budget . . 977,935,329 

Or (at 25 francs) about £39,117,413 



193 

Francs. Cs. Francs. Cs. 



War Department 
Army, Fortifications, and Ma 

teriel of Artillery 
Public Works 
Indians 
Central Administration 



20,601,943 47 
4,454,748 6 
2,749,725 14 
327.429 38 
Total 28,133,846 05 

Naval Department . 22,466,660 21 

Central Administration . 247,112 25 

Total 22,713,772 46 

Treasury Department . 21,911,335 85 

Central Administration . 1,369,987 50 

Total 23,281,323 35 

Post Office .... 321,772 50 

(This is not a branch of public revenue in the 
United States; the receipts cover the ex- 
penditure, all but the mere expenses of office 
or Administration Centrale.) 



Total of American Budget . . 130,431,475 80 

Or (at 25 francs) £5,217,259 







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196 

Table, show'nig the Governor s Term and Salary, the number of 
Senators and Representatives, zcith their respective Terms and 
Pay in the different States, 







1 1 








j j Expense 




Govr' 


.! 1 


Term 


Repre- 


Term 


Total Pay of one 


States. 


term of Salary^ , Sena-| 


of 


senta- 


of 


of sen. Iper day month 




years. 




tors. 


years. 


tives. 


years. 


fe rep. in del- for sen. 
lars. and rep. 


Maine 


1 


11500 


20 


1 


153 


1 1 


173 


2-00 10,380 


NeA\' Hampshire 


1 


1200 


12 


1 


229 


1 


236 


200 14,160 


Vermont* 


1 


i 750 


none 




230 


1 


230 


1-50 10.350 


Massachusetts t 


1 


3666| 


40 


1 


481 




521 


200 31,260 


Rhode Island 


J 


1 400 


10 


1 


72 


i 


82 


1-50 3,690 


Connecticut % 


1 


1100 


21 


1 


208 


i 


229 


2 00 13,740 


New York 


2 


|4000 


32 


4 


128 


1 


160 


300 


1,440 


New Jersey § 


1 


2000 


14 


1 


50 


1 


64 


300 


5,760 


Pennsylvania 


3 


4000 


33 


4 


100 


1 


133 


300 


10,970 


Delaware 


3 


113331- 


9 


3 


21 


1 


30 


2-50 


2,250 


Maryland 


1 


|3500"' 


15 


5 


80 


1 


95 


400 


11,400 


Virginia 


3 


133331- 


32 


4 


134 


1 


166 


400 


19,920 


North Carolina 


1 


2000' 


64 


1 


134 


1 


198 


3 00 


17,820 ! 


South Carolina 


2 


3900 


45 


4 


124 


2 


169 


4-00 20,280 


Georgia 


2 


pooo 


78 


1 


142 


1 


220 


400 


26,400 


Alabama 


2 


2000 


22 


3 


72 




94 


400 


11,280 


Mississippi 


2 


2500 


11 


3 


36 


1 


47 


3 00 


4,230 


Louisiana 


4 


7500 


17 


4 


50 


2 


67 


400 


7,040 


Tennessee 


2 


12000 


20 


2 


60 


2 


80 


400 


9,600 


Kentucky 


4 


{2000 


38 


4 


100 


1 


138 


200 


8,280 


Ohio 


2 


11200 


36 


2 


72 


1 


108 


300 


9,720 


Indiana 


3 


liooo 


23 


3 


62 


1 


85 


2-00 


5,100 


Illinois 


4 


11000 


? 


4 


p 


2 


p 


3-00 


p 


Missouri 


4 


il500 


1 18 


4 


49 


2 


1 'm 


300 


5,940 



56,3831- II dollars, or about 1 2,600/. Tot^l «!T 261,010 
or, allowing 6,000 dollars for Illinois, not ascertained, 267,010 dollars. 



* There is no senate in the legislature of Vermont ; but the executive council, con- 
sisting of the governor, lieutenant-governor, and twelve counsellors, elected by the 
freemen, are empowered to lay before the general assembly such business as shall appear 
to them necessary ; also to revise and propose amendments to the laws passed by the 
House of Representatives. 

f The number of representatives in the legislature of ]\Iassachusetts in 1831 was 
481 ; but the number is very variable. (See page 185.) 

I The pay of the senators, in the legislature of Connecticut, is two dollars a day, that 
of the representatives 1 '50. 

§ The upper house, which forms an independent branch of the legislature of New 
Jersey, is styled the " Legislative Council." 

II These salaries appear very low ; but it must be remarked, that the post of governor 
of a state is less one of emolument than of distinction and power ; the expense that it 
entails generally greatly exceeding the amount of salary. It is somewhat analogous, 
in this respect, to the lord-lieutenantcies of counties in this country. 

^ A small allowance per mile is made for the travelling expenses of the members of 
the legislature, the exact aggregate amount of which sums it would be difficult to cal- 
culate : by allowing a session of nearly five months in the year, in all the States, we 
certainly cover this expense. 

From the above table it will appear that the total amount of the sums paid to the 
senators and representatives of the State Leyislatun s throughout the whole Union, toge- 
ther with the salaries of the governors, would not amount to 280,000/. English, if all 
the legislatures were to remain in session between foiu: and five months in the year (the 
average is perhaps not more than two or three months, in reality) — W. G. O". 






197 



Statement, showing the aggregate number of persons in 
each of the States, according to the fifth census, and dis- 
tinguishing the Slave from the Free Population in each 
State, according to the corrections made in the returns of the 
Marshals and their assistants hy the Secretary of State. 

(From Letter of Secretary of State to Speaker of House of Representatives, 
dated Jan. 4, 1832.) 



States. 


Number of 
white per- 


Number 
of free 


Total of free 


Slaves. 


Total of all de- 




sons. 


coloured. 


persons. 




scriptions. 


Maine 


398,260 


1J71 


399,431 


6 


399,437 


New Hampshire 


268,721 


602 


269,323 


5 


269,328 


iMassachusetts 


603,359 


7.045 


610,404 


4 


610,408 


jRhode Island . 


93,621 


3.564 


97,185 


14 


97.199 


Connecticut 


289,603 


8,047 


297.650 


25 


297,675 


1 Vermont 


279,776 


881 


280,657 


none 


280,657 


New York 


1,868,061 


44,869 


1,912,930 


76 


1,913,006 > 
*125^ 


1 










iNew Jersey 


300.266 


18.303 


318.569 


2.254 


320.823 


iPennsylvania . 


1,309,900 


37.930 


1,347,830 


403 


1,348,233 


iDelaware 


57.601 


15,855 


73,456 


3.292 


76,748 


Maryland 


291,108 


52,938 


344,046 


102,994 


447,040 


Virginia . . 


694300 


47,348 


741,648 


469,757 


1,211.405 


North Carolina 


472,843 


19,543 


492,386 


245.'601 


737,987 


South Carolina 


257,863 


7,921 


265,784 


315,401 


581,18.T 


Georgia 


296,806 


2,486 


299.292 


217,531 


516,823 


Alabama . 


190,406 


1.572 


191.978 


117.549 


309,527 


Mississippi 


70,413 


519 


70.962 


65,659 


136,621 


Louisiana . . 


89,231 


16,710 


105,941 


109,588 


215,529 I 
*210 \ 
681,904 


Tennessee . . 


535,746 


4,555 


540,301 


141,603 


Kentucky . . 


517.787 


4,917 


522,70^1 


165,213 


687.917 


Ohio . . . 


926,311 


9,567 


935,87? 


6 


935,884 


Indiana . . 


339,399 


3,629 


343,02£ 


1 3 


343,031 


Illinois . . 


115,061 


1.63^ 


156,69^ 


\ 74^ 


157,445 


Missouri . . 


114,795 


bQi 


115,36^ 


\ 25,091 


140,455 



* Aliens, or persons not classified under the above heads. 

N. B. It will be perceived that the population returns for the territories of 
Florida, Arkansa and Michigan, and the district of Columbia, being wanting, 
no total is here given of the whole population of the United States, which 
probably amounts, however, to, at present, as nearly as possible, 13,000,000. 
In 1830 the census gave 12,856,165 as the total population — W. G. O. 



198 



STEAM-BOAT NAVIGATION FROM ST. LOUIS. 

St. Louis is 1200 miles, by the course of the river, above 
New Orleans, and is, next to that city, the largest and most 
commercial town on the Mississippi. In the summer of 
1831 there were six steam-boats regularly employed between 
St. Louis and New Orleans. A trip from one place to the 
other, and back again, usually occupies twenty-four days ; 
the shortest time in which one was ever made, eighteen days. 
The usual fare for cabin passengers descending, 20 dollars ; 
ascending, 25 dollars ; for deck passengers, 5 dollars, either 
way. Freight per 100 lbs. descending, 3*7^ cents ; ascend- 
ing, 62i cents. 

From St. Louis to Louisville, 630 miles ; six boats regu- 
larly running, in 1831 ; usual time of a trip ten or eleven 
days; the passage one way usually being somewhat more 
than three days : fare of cabin passengers about 15 dollars, 
either way ; deck passengers 4 dollars : freight about 25 
cents per 100 lb. One boat also ran regularly to Cincinnati, 
150 miles above Louisville. 

From St. Louis to Fever River, about 480 miles, three 
steam-boats regularly employed in 1831 ; time occupied by 
a trip about ten days : fare for passengers ascending, 15 dol- 
lars ; descending, 9 dollars. The route of one of the boats 
occasionally extended to St. Peter's River, 400 miles fur- 
ther up. 

In 18^1 two boats were employed in running from St. 
Louis up the Missouri to Franklin, 200 miles, and to Fort 
Leavenworth, 200 miles further : freight to Franklin 75 cents, 
per 100 lbs., and to Fort Leavenworth from 1*25 to 1*50 
dollars ; from Franklin down, 25 cents, per 100 lbs. 

From St. Louis to Pekin, on Illinois River, 180 miles: 
two or three boats regularly employed in 1831. Steam- 
boats come occasionally to St. Louis, from Pittsburg and 
other places. 



199 



Whole number of Steam Boats built on the Western Waters. 



^ 


s 


.S 


g 

o 






*3 


S5 


'2 

s 






Of the Boats now running, 


1 


1 


.^ 


1 






1811 


1 




1 


68 were built at Cincinnati 


1814 


4 




4 


68 


Pittsburgh 


1«15 


3 




3 


2 


Louisville 


1816 


2 




2 


12 


New Albany- 


1817 


9 




9 


7 


Marietta 


1818 


23 




23 


2 


Zanesville 


1819 


27 




27 


1 


Fredericksburgh 


1820 


7 


1 


6 


1 


Westport 


1821 


6 


1 


5 


1 


Silver Creek 


1822 


7 




7 


1 


Brush Creek 


1823 


13 


1 


12 


2 


Wheeling 


1824 


13 


1 


12 


1 


Nashville 


1825 


31 


19 


12 


2 


Frankfort 


1826 


52 


36 


16 


I 


Smithland 


1827 


25 


19 


6 


1 


Economy 


1828 


31 


28 


3 


6 


Brownsville 


1829 


53 


53 




3 


Portsmouth 


1830 


30 


30 




2 


Steubenville 


1831 


9 


9 




2 
1 
3 

1 
10 


Beaver 
St. Louis 
New York 
Philadelphia 
Not known 


348 


198 


150* 


198 1 



Of the 150 lost or worn out, there were : — 

Worn out . . . . 

Lost by " snags" 

Burnt , . . . 

Lost by collision 

By other accidents, not ascertained 



14 

3 

34 



f Of this wbole number, 111 were 
running in 1831. 



Total 1.50 

built at Cincinnati, 68 of which were 



soo 



Expenses to each State of its Judiciary, including the 
Territories a7id District of Colombia. 





Dollars. 




Dollars. 


Maine 


. 10,000 


Georgia** 


. 16,800 


New Hampshire 


. 7,800 


Alabama . 


. 12,250 


Vermont, about 


. 6,000 


Mississippi 


. 12,000 


Massachusetts 


. 29,800 


Louisiana, about 


. 20,000 


Rhode Island *, i 


ibout 2,000 


Tennessee . 


. 22,700 


Connecticut t 


. 6,158 


Kentucky tt 


. 20,900 


New York:j: 


. 26,500 


Ohio J j . 


. 13,800 


New Jersey 


. 3,400 


Indiana §§ 


. 7,000 


Pennsylvania § 


. bO,mQ 


Illinois 


. 4,700 


Delaware . 


. 5,500 


Missouri . 


. 8,300 


Maryland . 


. 23,000 


District of Colombia 


nil 9,000 


Virginia || . 


. 12,720 


Florida 


. 6,000 


North Carolina^ 


. 12,900 


Michigan . 


. 6,000 


South Carolina 


. 34,072 


Arkansas . 


. 6,000 




230,416 


165,450 




Total . 39 


5,866 Dollars. 





* In Rliode Island some of the judges are paid by fees. 

f In Connecticut comity courts the chief judges have three and a half 
dollars per diem ; associate judges, three dollars during session, and nine 
cents per mile for their jom-neys. 

\ In New York, the registers, reporters, and clerks of Chancery and 
Superior Courts are paid by fees. 

§ In Pennsylvania, the prothonotaries paid by fees ; judges of Superior 
Courts, when travelling, four dollars per diem. 

II In Virginia, the judges receive one quarter of a doUar per mile, for 
travelling, additional. 

^ In North Carohna there are some fees. 

** In Georgia some fees. 

f f In Kentucky there are some fees. 

^\ In Ohio there are fees, and associate judges in each coimty court 
receive two and a half doUars per diem during courts. 

§§ In Indiana, the associates get two dollars per diem. 

II II In the district of Colombia there are fees also — -W. G. O,. 



201 



Colleges in the United States. 



Name. 



Bowdoin 

Water ville 

Dartmouth 

University of Vermont 

^liddlebu'ry . 

Harward University 

Williams 

Amherst 

Brown University 

Yale 

Washington 

Wesleyan University 

Columbia 

Union 

Hamilton 

Geneva 

College of New Jersey 

Rutgers 

University of Pennsylvania 

Dickinson 

Jelferson 

Western University 

Washington 

Allegheny 

Madison 

St. Mary's* 

University of Maryland 

St. John's 

Mount St. Mary's * 

Columbian 

Georgetown * 
"William and Mary 

Hampden Sydney 
-Washington 

University of A'irginia 

University of North Carolina 

Charleston 

College of South Carohna 
,.«^ University of Georgia 
•^ 'Alabama University 

Jefterson 

Louisiana 

Greenville 

University of Nashville 

E. Tennessee 

Transylvania 

Ceutre 

Augusta 

Cumberland 

St. Joseph's* 

Georgetown 

University of Ohio 

Meami University 

Western Reserve 

Kenyon 

Franktand 

Indiana 

Illinois 

St. Louis* 



Place. 



Brunswick, Maine 
Waterville, Ditto 
Hanover, New Hampshire 
Burlington, Vermont 
Middlebury, Ditto 
Cambridge, Massachusetts 
Williamstown, Ditto 
Amherst, Ditto 

Providence, Rhode Island 
New Haven, Connecticut 
Hartford, Ditto 

Middleto'.vn, Ditto 
New York, New York 
Schenectadv, Ditto 
Clinton, ' Ditto 
Geneva, Ditto 

Princeton, New Jersey 
New Brunswick, Ditto 
Philadelphia, Pennsvlvania 
Carlisle, Ditto 

Canonsburg, Ditto 
Pittsburg, Ditto 

Washington, Ditto 
Meadville, Ditto 

Union Town, Ditto 
Baltimore, Maryland 

Ditto Ditto 

Annapolis, Ditto 
Near Emmittsburg, Ditto 
Washington, Capital 
Georgetown,District Columbia 
Williamsburg, Virginia 
Prince Edward Colony, Ditto 
Lexington, Ditto 
Charlottesville, Ditto 
Chapel Hill, North Carolina 
Charleston, South Carolina 
Columbia, Ditto 

Athens, Georgia 
Tuscaloosa, Alabama 
Washington, :Mississippi 
Jackson, Louisiana 
Greenville, Tennessee 
Nashville, Ditto 
Knoxville, Ditto 
Lexington, Kentucky 
Danville, Ditto 
Augusta, Ditto 
Princeton, Ditto 
Bardstown, Ditto 
Georgetown, Ditto 
Athens, Ohio 

Oxford, Ditto 
Hudson, Ditto 
Gambler, Ditto 
NewAthens, Ditto 
Bloomington, Indiana 
Jacksonville, Illinois 
St. Louis, Mo. 



fl 




11 


a 


i2 
1 


1 




1'^ 


1 

C/3 


1794 


7 


392 


39 


137 


1820 


5 


60 


19 


45 


1770 


9 


2250 


530 


153 


1791 


4 


182 


— 


36 


1800 


5 


509 


205 


99 


1638 


24 


5621 


1424 


236 


1793 


7 


721 


215 


115 


1821 


10 


208 


52 


188 


1764 


6 


1182 


442 


95 


1700 


15 


4428 


1257 


346 


1826 


9 


25 


— 


70 


1831 


5 








— 


1754 


6 


880 


— 


124 


1795 


10 


1373 


268 


205 


1812 


7 


189 


20 


77 


1823 


6 


J5 


6 


31 


174G 


10 


1930 


406 


105 


1770 


5 








70 


1755 


9 


. 





125 


1783 


4 








21 


] 802 


7 


341 


136 


120 


1820 


4 


45 


13 


53 


1806 


4 


143 


26 


47 


1815 


3 


9 




6 


1829 


5 







TO 


1799 


18 








147 


1812 


11 







— 


1784 


5 


636 


__ 


T6 


1830 


25 


12 





130 


1821 


4 







50 


1799 


19 








140 


1693 


7 








60 


1774 


6 


— 





54 


1812 


.^ 


380 


9 


23 


1819 


9 


538 




130 


1791 


9 


434 





69 


1785 


7 


27 


3 


61 


1801 


9 


490 


11 


111 


1785 


T 


256 


16 


95 


1820 


6 






65, 


1802 


10 


— 


... 


160 


1794 





z 


z 


32 


1806 


4 


93 





95- 


— 


2 







21- 


1798 


6 








93 


1822 


4 


19 


9 


66 


1823 


7 







98 


1825 


3 


13 


5 


57 


1819 


15 


37 




ISO 


1830 











32 


18U2 


4 


60 


26 


57 


1824 


11 


51 


9 


82 


1826 


4 


— 




25 


1828 


4 








80 


1824 


3 








40 


1827 


3 


4 





51 


1830 


3 








35 


1829 


6 


— 


— 


125 



N.B. Besides the colleges enumerated in the above table, there are upwards of twenty Pro- 
testant, and several Catholic " Theological Seminaries, from sixteen to twenty " Medical 
Schools," and Law Schools in several states. 

Each of these institutions possesses a college library and a student's library. 

>^ Those marked tlius* arc Catholic colleges. 

7 Undcr-gradxiates, not including medical, theological, and law students. 



S02! 



TEXAS. 



This Mexican province, which is now becoming a subject 
of deep interest in the United States, is of great extent. Its 
boundaries and superficial contents are thus stated in Darby's 
Western Gazetteer, published in 1818. The Texas " is 
bounded on the west and south by the Rio del Porte, on 
the south by the Gulf of Mexico, east by the state of 
Louisiana, and north by the Red River. Its greatest length 
is 800 miles, breadth 500, estimated by the rhombs on Mel- 
lish's map to contain 240,000 square miles, and to be equal 
in extent to New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Mary- 
land, Virginia, Ohio, and Kentucky." 

In another account it is stated, that the width is about 
400 miles, and length, from the Gulf of Mexico to its 
northern limits, not ascertained. It is represented as being 
extremely fertile, producing a great variety of valuable 
timber trees, and in parts admirably adapted for the cultiva- 
tion of sugar, cotton, indigo, &c. ; in others, wheat, Indian 
corn, &c., and in others, excellent grazing, and generally 
favourable to the growth of the vine. 

The facilities for navigation are great ; on one side the 
gulf of Mexico, and the interior traversed by the Sabine, the 
Natchez, the Trinity, the Brasos, the Bernard, the Colo- 
rado, the Rio Grande, and other streams of minor import- 
ance. Some of these streams admit of steam navigation for 
S or 400 miles. Salt water and iron ore are abundant. 
Some mines of the precious metals are already discovered. 
Profusion of game and wild horses, m ules, and cattle, buf- 
faloes, deer, turkeys, &;c. 



203 

Its population consists of about 75,000 Mexicans, including 
garrisons, principally inhabiting the villages of St. Antonio 
and Nacogdoches ; but the emigrants from the United States 
amount to jive or six thousand souls : more than half of 
these are '' located" on " Austin's land," the remainder prin- 
cipally occupy ungr anted lands. An experience of seven 
or eight years has proved the soil and crops to be equal to 
those of any part of the world. 

A writer in one of the best conducted papers in the United 
States (Walsh's National Gazette) thus significantly ex- 
presses himself with regard to the Texas : " The country 
above described, we contend, should belong to the United 
States if its procurement be possible."" He then gives reasons 
for supposing its acquisition possible, — the financial embar- 
rassment and unquiet state of the politics of Mexico, &c., 
and urges as motives for attempting its annexation to the 
United States, its being necessary to the security of Loui- 
siana, Arkansa, &c. " All Texas was once ours. The Rio 
Grande del Norte was then our western boundary. To any 
one acquainted with this country, it seems as if this river 
was designated hy the hand of Heaven^ as a boundary 
between two great nations of dissimilar pursuits, &C.'''' And 
further, so important was it deemed by the American go- 
vernment to prevent contiguous settlements of the two 
governments, that in their negotiation with Spain in 1805, 
in relation to their western limits, it was urged by the United 
States to lay off a territory of immense extent, to remain for 
ever neutral and unsettled. (See Letter of Messrs. Monroe 
and Pinckney to M. Cevallos, Spanish Minister. American 
State Papers, vol. xii. 243. J 

It is also urged, that the possession of the Texas is neces- 
sary, in order to prevent it from being a place of refuge for 
" debtors, malefactors, and fugitive slaves from the United 
States;" and that it is necessary, in order to keep Texas 



204 



out of the hands of " those who would be more troublesome 
than its present proprietors :^' this writer says, that " a distin- 
guished Englishman has already obtained a grant of land in 
Texas, sufficient to contain a population of one or two mil- 
lions ;" " and who knows ^'' adds this sagacious politician, 
" that he is not the secret agent of a government ? The im- 
portance, also, of being able to supply the United States 
with wine and sugar at a future period from this mag- 
nificent province, is dwelt upon/' 

The settlement of Americans in Texas goes by the name 
of Captain Austin's territory, as that gentleman has obtained 
a grant, with some exclusive privileges of steam navigation 
from the Mexican government. 



Payment of the Debt of the United States. 





Principal. 


Interest. 


Total. 




Dollars. 


Dollars. 


Dollars. 


1821 


3,279,821 


5,087,272 


8,367,093 


1822 


2,675,987 


5,172,961 


7,848,949 


1823 


607.33J 


4,922,684 


5,530,016 i 


1824 


11,574,532 


4,993,861 


16,568,393 


1825 


7,725,034 


4,370,309 


12,095,344 


1826 


7,706,601 


3,977,864 


11,045,466 


1827 


6,515,514 


3.476,0/] 


10,001,585 ! 


1828 


9,064,637 


3,098,867 


12,163,505 1 


1829 


9,841,024 


2,542,776 


12,383,800 ! 


1830 


9,443,173 


1,912,574 


11,355,748 ! 

1 



From Mr. Cooper's Letter, published in Paris, containing a 
counter statement to that in the Revue Britannique. 



Qi05 



RATES OF POSTAGE. 

On a single letter composed of one piece of paper : — 

For any distance not exceeding 30 miles . . 6 cents. 

Over 30, and not exceeding 80 . .10 

80, • 150 . . 12i 

150, 400 . . 18| 

400 . . . , . . 25 

(A cent is a small fraction more than a halfpenny, EngHsh.) 

A letter composed of two pieces of paper is charged with 
double these rates : of three pieces, with triple; and of four 
pieces with quadruple. " One or more pieces of paper, 
mailed as a letter, and weighing 07ie ounce, shall be charged 
with quadruple poi>tage ; and at the same rate, should the 
weight be greater." 

NEWSPAPER POSTAGE. 

For each newspaper not carried out of the state in which 
it is published, or if carried out of the state, but not carried 
over 100 miles, 1 cent ; over 100 miles, and out of the state 
in which it was published, 1^ cent. 



MAGAZINES AND PAMPHLETS. 

Cents 

If published periodically, distance not exceeding 100 miles, l^^per sheet. 

. , . over . 100 , 2? ■ 

If not published periodically, dist. not exceeding 100 , 4 

, . over . 100 , 6 



Every printed pamphlet or magazine which contains more 
than twenty-four pages, on a royal sheet, or any sheet of 
less dimensions, shall be charged by the sheet ; and small 
pamphlets, printed on " a half or quarter sheet, of royal or 
less size, shall be charged with half the amount of postage 
charged on a full sheet." 



206 

The postage on ship letters, if delivered at the office 
where the vessel arrives, is six cents ; if conveyed by post, 
two cents in addition to the ordinary postage. 

PRIVILEGE OF FRANKING. 

Letters and packets to and from the following officers of 
the government, are by law received and conveyed by post, 
free of postage. 

The president and vice-president of the United States ; 
secretaries of state, treasury, war, and navy ; attorney-gene- 
ral ; post-master-general and assistant post-master-general ; 
comptrollers, auditors, registrar, and solicitor of the trea- 
sury ; treasurer ; commissioner of the general land office ; 
commissioners of the navy board ; commissary-general ; in- 
spectors-general ; quarter-master-general ; paymaster-gene- 
ral ; superintendent of Patent Office ; speaker and clerk 
of the House of Representatives; president and secretary 
of the senate ; and any individual who shall have been, or 
may hereafter be, president of the United States ; and each 
may receive newspapers by post, free of postage. 

Each member of the senate, and each member and dele- 
gate of the House of Representatives, may send and receive, 
free of postage, newspapers, letters, and packets, weighing 
not more than two ounces (in case of excess of weight, 
excess alone to be paid for,) and all documents printed by 
order of either House, during and sixty days before and 
after each session of congress. 

Post-masters may send and receive, free of postage, letters 
and packets not exceeding half an once in weight ; and they 
may receive one daily newspaper each, or what is equivalent 
thereto. 

Printers of newspapers may send one paper to each and 
every other printer of newspapers within the United States, 
free of postage, under such regulations as the post-master- 
general may provide. 



207 



NEWSPAPERS liN NEW YORK. 

Number of newspapers published in this state, according 
to " Williams's New York Annual Register," in 1831, was 
237 ; 54 in city of New York, and 185 in other parts of 
the state; 16 daily, and 48 avowedly anti-masonic^. 



NUMBER OF SHEETS ISSUED FROM THE FIFTY-FOUR PRESSES 
IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK. 

Eleven daily papers (average 1,456 each in one day) . . 4,944^000 

Ten semi-weekly ditto (average 1,880 each in one day) . 1,935,200 

Twenty-six weekly ditto 2,600^000 

Six semi-monthly, and one monthly .... 36,800 

Total number of sheets printed annually . 9,536,000 

Estimated number (185 papers) in other parts of the state 5,000,000 



Total . 14,536,000 



COPYRIGHT. 



Copyright is secured in the United States for fourteen 
years, by depositing and recording the title of any work, 
map, chart, &c., at the office of the clerk of the district ; 
and can be renewed by the author, his executors or assigns, 
at the end of that term, for a further period of fourteen 
years. — Vide " Act for the Encouragement of Leamifig.'" 
J^. Story s Statutes of the United States. 

* This has now become a party watch- word, but originated in a just 
feeling of detestation at a murderous outrage committed by some free- 
masons a few years ago. 



208 



Number of Bishops in the United States, and theii 
Residences^ or Diocesses, 

SIXTEEN PROTESTANT BISHOPS : VIZ. 

Diocesses. Diocesses. 

Eastern Diocess, or N. England. Virginia. 

Connecticut. South Carolina. 

New York. Georgia. 

New Jersey. Louisiana. 

Pennsylvania. Mississippi. 

Delaware. Tennessee. 

Maryland. Kentucky. 

North Carolina. Ohio. 

Bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church . 4 

ROMAN CATHOLIC BISHOPS. 



Residence. 




Residence. 




Baltimore . 


. Archbishop. 


IMobile 


. Bishop. 


Boston 


Bishop. 


New Orleans 


Do. 


New York . 


Do. 


Bardsto-vvn 


Do. 


Philadelphia 


Do. 


Do. . . 


Coadjutor 


Do. . 


Coadjutor. 


Cincinnati 


Bishop. 


Charleston . 


Bishop. 


St. Louis . 


Do. 



One Archbishop, nine Bishops, and two Coadjutors, 



THE END. 



LONDON: 

DAVISON, SIMMONS, AND CO., WHITEFRIARS. 




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